Petrov: Greece won't be in current borders if it doesn't recognize Macedonia
For the first time in history, Hellas was created in 1821 as a uni-religious nation in which the word "Greek" meant to be a Christian and not an ethnos. Hence we have a paradox where everyone in Greece is Greek despite the fact the country is populated by everyone except Greeks, says the president of the World Macedonian Congress, Todor Petrov.
Greece has a quarrel with our identity, yet it needs to be seriously worried about their own. According to historical facts presented by the WMC when Greece opens up its pandora box about all the ethnicities that live there (this day is approaching fast), the country will be forever changed.
The word 'Greek' is a synonym for being a Christian, explains Todor Petrov.
- 200 years ago Greece had few people, all different ethnicities and no common language. The country was created primarily and only due to the interests of the great powers England, France, Germany and Russia. Greece was created by occupying territories and committing genocides and forced evictions of people who lived in the occupied territories.
- Due to the lack of a 'majority' ethnos, Greece's creators added this as the first law of the Constitution back in 1827 - "Greek is a Christian who lives in Greece". Because of this, the word Greek doesn't mean ethnos, there is no such thing as an ethnic Greek, says Petrov.
- In Macedonia we have already opened the 'minority and ethnicity' question. The day when this occurs in Greece is approaching faster than everyone thinks. When this happens their territory will be divided among the different ethnicities. This is unavoidable, says Petrov.
Petrov discussed the genocide committed against Macedonians since the Balkan Wars which continues to this day. Athens will be held responsible for this, says Petrov.
- In the second world war, Macedonian partisans were tricked by communists in Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria. All Macedonians joined the Greek communists in the civil war which unfortunately ended with the installation of Greece's monarcho-fascists matrix by Britain which is governing Greece to this day.
Petrov discusses the creation, protection and maintenance of neo nazi and fascist groups.
- Greece's Neo-Nazi group Golden Dawn is the heart of Ellada. Its existence is very much founded upon hatred, neonazism and anti-Macedonianism. Without nazifascism, Greece as a country wouldn't exist. This nazifascism is continuously supported by Brussels and Strasbourg. Because of this, Athens is requesting we change our name. But, any sort of change will not save Europe, nor the fake Hellas, concludes Petrov.
Petrov through his colleagues in Brussels says that even today Brussels is funding Athens with 2 billion euros a year to roam through Aegean Macedonia and destroy Macedonian artefacts or hide them in secret depots in Athens. The whole idea is to cover up the age old fallacy upon which "New Europe began". Cultural globalism was started by the Macedonians, the Eurocrats in Brussels know this, says Petrov.
The World doesn't begin nor end in Brussels or Strasbourg
The crisis has shown its true head. The project called "Greece" is nearing its end. The financial crisis which saw Athens borrow obscene amount of money which it will never be able to pay back, the unemployed masses, armed men with kalashnikovs entering homes and robbing civilians, failed elections... everything points out to a civil war. When civil war breaks out, there will be international intervention to keep the peace or installation of a military junta. As usual, Brussels will pay the tab for continuing their experiment with Ellada.
The Bilderberg group who recently met in Virginia, USA isn't keen on seeing Greece swim out of their mess. According to the British newspaper 'The Guardian', Greece is already declared 'dead'.
If Athens doesn't recognize Macedonia, Greece will not remain in the current borders, warns the president of the World Macedonian Congress.
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The Curious Case of Macedonian Parliamentary Elections: Part II. Causes and Consequences
By Igor Siljanoski - 7/19/2011
On June 4th, 2011 Macedonian citizens living outside of the Republic of Macedonia voted for the first time in a Macedonian parliamentary election. At stake in the second in row early elections were three newly created seats in the “Sobranie,” the Macedonian House of Representatives, all of which were won by deputies from the governing party VMRO-DPMNE. The next day the party won the early parliamentary elections in the country with much diminished share of the national seats.
Weeks before the Macedonian parliamentary elections, the opposition parties publicly stated that the country was not prepared for the June 4th elections in the newly formed election units outside of Macedonia. They went as far as calling the whole process the biggest election falsification and that it could only benefit the ruling establishment of the governing party. They also pointed to the many deficiencies in the process, both technical and democratic.
It is worth asking about the driving force behind a decision to have Macedonia’s first worldwide elections. Why was this decision made? How do we explain the results? What are the consequences of such an election? These are questions that were important for the country to understand. Yet, as soon as the election was over, the entire June 4th affair was largely forgotten by everyone, including the media.
The VMRO connection to the Macedonian Diaspora
The June 4th election was a realization of one time promise given by one person, Nikola Gruevski, then leader of the official opposition party VMRO-DPMNE in 2004 in front of a sizeable audience of Macedonian immigrants in Detroit, Michigan in the United States. The promise was repeated on few more stops in the United States and notably in Melbourne, Australia. His promise was, in his own recollection, made on behalf of his party. It can only be speculated that the promise was preceded by a strong desire and ask by the immigrants present at the meetings or behind closed doors to be represented in the Macedonian parliament and in government.
Before the Macedonian Diaspora could influence the 2011 parliamentary elections it played a key role in forming the original electoral party of VMRO in Macedonia. The party was officially formed in June 1990 but its origins run much deeper. Many Macedonians abroad were victims of persecution either connected with the Greek Civil war that culminated in 1948-49 or in Yugoslavia where the idea of an independent Macedonian state was not in the plans of the federal authorities. Working in exile, these Macedonians carried the ideas formed in the early 20 century in Ottoman occupied Macedonia. The most prominent organization in an extremely turbulent and confusing period was titled Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization IMRO. The Macedonian acronym was VMRO. The name struck a chord in the Macedonian immigrant community and the name survived till 1990. What was a movement became a political party. Although details of the story of the origins of VMRO in North America and Australia remain murky, the 2004 meetings was nonetheless a homecoming of sorts for a new and energetic leader of the party carrying the tradition of the historic VMRO.
The Diaspora’s role in forming the party in Macedonia is not without significance for the current events. At the time of the Macedonian declaration of independence there was hardly any capacity to form an opposition party to the ruling Socialist/Communist party that was left with the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The socialist party was rebranded as Social Democratic Union of Macedonia. The formation of VMRO was the much needed shot of pluralism in the new state. The party was received well by the population and so was the young leader Ljupco Georgievski at its helm. The party was still weak and did not have enough support to win the first election, let alone to muster any of the revolutionary reforms and purges that would remove the former regime from power (like in the Czech Republic two years earlier).
The SDSM was on the surface a social democratic party but winning the election it moved to the right of the political spectrum to become the party of the elites as opposed to the working people in the new republic. The party implemented Macedonia’s first privatization plan with mixed results and disappointed many who expected a more orderly and more just privatization of the socialist enterprises worth saving and being built over many years in the former country.
Eventually, the VMRO party met electoral success but only for a short period of time. Their victory was based on a perception that the party was closer to the ordinary folk and that unlike the SDSM it was less likely to plunder the state treasury for the benefit of its own members. Once in power, however, it did not fare much better than the socialists. In the first place, lacking parliamentary majority it struggled to form a new government. Once established as a government, VMRO was not immune to the possibilities that allowed the government to benefit from the transition.
As a result of their policies, both leading Macedonian political parties in effect prolonged the economic transition to the detriment of economic growth and political stability culminating in 2001 with the Albanian insurgency in Macedonia. In the turmoil of the Macedonian Albanian conflict the VMRO lost the political battle and was forced to cede power to a unity government.
Meanwhile, the Ohrid Agreement, a series of constitutional guarantees won by the Albanian minority parties as a result of the peace deal brokered by the United States, ended the open hostilities and moved the country furthermore into a civic society. The VMRO party was a pan Macedonian national party and Macedonia was healing from an event that brought bitter and deep divisions to the surface that the party could not at the moment bridge or soothe. Its main vision was for Macedonia to be the country of the Macedonian nation. The realization of this vision was untenable without a formal and open recognition of the reality of the ethnic and religious makeup of the Country.
The VMRO’s bridge to the future at the time was Boris Trajkovski, a VMRO backed President that won a close presidential race in 1999. The race was so close the new president could not take the oath of office until all of the appeals to the vote count run their course. Once the crisis entered a post conflict phase Trajkovski’s manner gave everyone from the foreigners, the ambassadors and statesmen in Macedonia and the political parties’ confidence in at least one institution, the Presidency. At the time he received praise for handling the very heated atmosphere following the chaos of the spring and summer of 2001.
Following the loss of power by the party, Nikola Gruevski, previous finance minister to the now embattled leader of VMRO Georgievski managed to win a leadership position in the newly rebranded VMRO-DPMNE. He also managed to keep a large portion of the VMRO supporters in a slight to the original leader. While in opposition, Mr. Gruevski built support for his party. With no pressure that comes with governing he could concentrate on building a wider base for his Party. The wider base at home meant they would take in more educated, respected and more astute candidates, administrators and organizers, something sorely lacking with their first adventure in power. The search for support in the Diaspora was curious but part of the same effort to consolidate and widen his party’s support. This however was not the quest for intellectual power for the party, only for feeling the party roots and soft power over the Macedonians.
The nationalist Macedonian immigrants, a small but vocal minority among the many Macedonians residing abroad have helped with the formation of an alternative all Macedonian party in Macedonia. Now that the party finally gained legitimacy in Parliament and looked poised to replace the SDSM they sought victory for themselves. The new leader won their affection by speaking the same language of uncompromising defense of the Macedonian domain, identity, and name and about economic prosperity for the republic.
The final piece of the puzzle was the engagement of these passionate Macedonians in Macedonian affairs. The promise to have Macedonians everywhere vote in one of the next Macedonian elections sealed the popularity of the leading party with expatriates. The party won the parliamentary elections of 2006. The election was mired with irregularities and the outcome was a minority government let by VMRO. The government was formed with the largest Albanian party as a coalition partner.
The 2011 election call
The political circumstances in the country did not at first appear that dire for early elections so the election call came to Macedonians as a bit of a surprise. The VMRO-DPMNE had a comfortable lead in the parliament and barring one or two smaller affairs (a regular feature in Macedonian politics) it was a rather tranquil time. Then, on January 28, 2011 the opposition party left the parliament in a show of, well, opposition. The official reason was the hard handed approach by the state to the media outlets led by a television station, A1. The officials claimed criminal activity related to unpaid taxes in a series of businesses with a single address at Pero Nakov Street and a common owner, Velija Ramkovski.
In the last months of 2010 Velija seemed to come ever closer to Branko Crvenkovski, the leader of the official opposition. The relationship was not new but the openness and expectation of future political partnership in front of cameras signaled renewed commitment of both to collaborate and the implication was that it would be against the current government, presumably in the next elections.
At the same time, the television station A1 and the affiliated press organizations controlled by Velija continued to relentlessly criticize the government at every opportunity. The offices of the A1 television were raided on December 25, 2010. In a display of state power Velija Ramkovski was arrested along with many of his associates and managers under suspicion of hiding taxes. The Macedonian revenue agency (UJP) was in the lead of the investigation but the heavy police presence protecting the financial inspectors gave the television and opposition parties a visual fodder to accuse the government of attacking the freedom of the media. The opposition immediately painted the arrests as politically motivated. The government promptly denied political motivation and dismissed suppression of the unfriendly media as unfounded. The opposition reacted by walking away from parliament in protest.
This was not a first time that opposition party boycotted the parliament but the lessons from previous times have shown a pattern. The pressure would increase for a compromise and the opposition would win the support of the ambassadors and the EU officials etc. The problem would be portrayed as non-cooperation by the political parties on the European agenda and the pressure would increase for meetings, mediators and warnings from Brussels. In time the result would be the same, Macedonia would succumb under the pressure of others to fix the situation created by those who instigated the boycott and circumvented the institution in the first place by yet another political compromise.
It is difficult to assess whether the plans for opening the election to Macedonian citizens abroad had anything to do with the decision to go to an early election. The estimation that the elections would be low risk affair for the ruling party, however, probably played a significant role. The blame for the early election could be safely passed to the opposition and the three additional seats would help secure the party’s majority in Parliament.
The election showed how fluid the political landscape in the country is, that no one is politically infallible and that trust has to be earned outside elections. The media affair did not help the ruling party. Neither did the display of the previous poor record of the opposition party.
Voters did not care that the opposition left the parliament and wrestled the election by a staged protest. The issues in the election were entirely different. Perception of continuation of the political control over the public security sector and the judiciary by yet another political party seemed like betrayal of trust. The low and not improving living standard made worse by the global recession and rise in commodity prices were a serious issue as well. For all of the projects announced with enthusiasm by the government, the overall marks by the electorate for handling the economy and the euro integration were rather low.
The only saving grace and perhaps a reason for the return of the VMRO-DPMNE to power, albeit diminished one is the overall perception on the law enforcement and anti-corruption front. Not all, but many, saw a small but significant rise in the rule of law as a hopeful sign.
Without admitting it, Macedonians liked the semblance of orderly revenue collection, adherence to regulations and rules and the appearance of budgeted items in the state budget. In short, westernization of the Macedonian fiscal affairs, albeit still weak, was the reason for the support of the current government. Last, but not least, of the reasons for the vote was the remaining perception of the nationalist character of the leading party, something the Macedonians have not yet abandoned as important.
Once the decision to go to an election was made, the elections abroad were a scramble. Questions abounded: Who can be a candidate? How many citizens have to nominate an independent candidate? How do political parties nominate candidates? Who can vote? What documents do you need? Where would you go to register or to vote? Where can you gain information on the candidates and the elections abroad?
Open ended questions of these seemingly simple concepts in the republic were repeatedly asked mere weeks before the vote. The deadline for candidates to be nominated and the voters to be registered was May 6th. Many of the most eager and most informed Macedonian immigrants saw the voter registration forms only days before that date. The church organizations and Macedonian halls in many of the Canadian and US communities with large Macedonian population received the forms barely on time and very little else. The whole election seemed to be an afterthought.
The results of the vote
The June 4th, 2011 election results confirmed that all three of the election districts abroad went to VMRO candidates. According to web sources containing Macedonian population numbers there are anywhere between 600,000 and well over a million Macedonians living outside Macedonia. The Macedonian State Electoral Commission was able to persuade 7573 Macedonian Citizens to register for the vote worldwide. Only 4079 (less than 1% of the most conservative estimate of the Macedonian population living outside the country) actually voted in the three electoral units abroad, labeled 7, 8 and 9. The winners were:
Risto Mancev in Europe with 1578 out of the 2494 votes
Pavle Sazdov in North America with 560 out of 994 votes and
Milorad Dodevski in Australia with 548 out of only 591 votes cast
These numbers reflect a campaign that was too short, too compressed and essentially buried in obscurity as far as the Macedonian citizens living abroad were concerned. Even in these painfully small numbers of Macedonians who voted there is a huge hole in the absence of independent candidates. The elections were a mirror image of the Macedonian political party landscape only with the predominance of one political party. In Macedonia the elections showed a strong electoral split among the available parties.
People were casting votes as easily for the opposition as for the ruling party. The second placed SDSM had a huge electoral victory in the elections, pushing the ruling party numbers into minority territory. In comparison, the external elections were baby steps if described generously. The result, however, was not accidental.
Putting aside the suggestions by numerous articles in the Macedonian media and the arguments of the other political parties that the June 4th elections experienced heavy irregularities in the voting process, lacked legitimacy or that the State Electoral Commission did dismal job with voter lists, it is clear that the outcome was a result of years of work by the ruling party, VMRO-DPMNE to gain the trust and affection of Macedonians abroad. The relationship was nurtured and strengthened by the overt patriotism of the Party and the emotional connection of Macedonians to their land.
Even with an election done by Canadian and Swiss election authorities together the result may have been the same. Even if the voter numbers were much higher and included the more numerous mainstream immigrants, there is a good chance that they would vote for the only party they recognize as the Macedonian national party, something well placed in their sub-conscience.
This is the case despite the fact that the state of Macedonian political organizations abroad, including that of VMRO is almost nonexistent and the fact that the Macedonians are divided, suspicious of each other and highly individualistic. That the turnout was low, the opposition weak and the timelines extremely tight made the result more secure but not more inevitable.
The decision to have an election abroad can then be explained by the calculation of the VMRO-DPMNE that it will win all seats it creates for the members of the Macedonian Diaspora. Politically speaking, it is a logical move for a party that has the strongest support abroad. The decision, however, opens many new questions that have consequences for the Macedonian state. It makes a precedent that will open immigrant issues that may or may not mesh well with the state’s overall policy and interest. It has to be upheld in subsequent elections with considerable cost now made permanent. It opens a new avenue of organizational formation, first of the Macedonian political parties abroad and second of independent movements and organizations that will challenge VMRO-DPMNE at the very next election for the seats and the policy.
The story of the election does not end there. The numerous complaints and cries of anguish by the Macedonian immigrants did not only focus on the technical aspects of the election. There were more fundamental questions raised. Why would anyone be concerned or vote in an election if the outcome has absolutely no effect on their life? This is precisely why many Macedonians abroad silently see the whole affair as an internal Macedonian manipulation for domestic political purposes.
Issues that matter to Macedonians abroad
There are very few but very legitimate issues for Macedonians abroad that were raised in person and in print during the election campaign. One is the Macedonian identity issue. On this issue all Macedonians, virtually of all stripes abroad are united and to the right of any political party in the country. The firm position is that there should be no compromise; no negotiations under any auspices regarding the name of the state or any of the identity qualifiers such as the language, nationality etc. No Macedonian sovereign rights should be ceded in the UN process as it was not legitimate from the very beginning.
No political party in Macedonia promised to walk away from the negotiating table as that would likely spell a serious problem with the EU and its goodwill, money or prospects for entry into the EU. Immigrants, on the other hand do not see the need to pander to these institutions if they don’t recognize the importance of the name to the identity of the Macedonian nation.
Has the VMRO-DPMNE or any other political party in Macedonia addressed this issue in a way that they will be truly supported by the Diaspora? Hardly, and there lies the suspicion expressed by the Macedonian organizations abroad. Their message is simple; we need independent candidates who would legitimately represent our interests. In other words, not one of the major political parties represents or could represent our interests; they would only fall under the rigor of the political party discipline common to a parliamentary system. Worse, they will likely be influenced by the heavy presence of the international community and the will of the European and other world powers. Only independent individuals chosen in a wide and open election may be the only hope for true representation.
Many Macedonians living abroad travel to Macedonia with regular frequency. These Macedonians are responsible for an increasing portion of the Macedonian GDP through their direct foreign currency contributions to the country. Most trips are in the summer months when Macedonian immigrants fill the many gaps in the general tourism demand. Visiting Macedonia is the second most important issue for the Macedonians living abroad.
One problem is the relative obscurity of the country for international travelers. It is hard to reach Macedonia without thorough planning and investment in time and money. The country has done very little to organize trips and travel agencies into a network to negotiate and secure airlines, foreign tour operators and internal transportation for our immigrants to visit Macedonia. Normally, this is not a function of the state but it would be vastly beneficial to Macedonia to have made some efforts to improve its infrastructure and open the possibilities for travel to Macedonia. One development that has the potential to open up Macedonia for foreign travelers, including expatriates is the concession given to the Turkish TAV who is now responsible for the two Macedonian airports. The potential in terms of transportation and economic development is huge and it is yet to sync in with the Macedonians.
The Macedonians living abroad may wish only to reconnect with family and friends or to reconnect with their youth, their ancestral land and village or town but they also have legal, business, familial and other affairs they need to take care of while in Macedonia. The experience and treatment of the Macedonian immigrants by the Macedonian institutions is far from stellar and constitutes the third legitimate electoral issue. The time it takes to do these things in Macedonia can be long and tiring. Access to various professionals such as lawyers, notaries, doctors and many institutions of the system is a sour point and subject of many sad stories.
Macedonians want their representatives to work with the bureaucracy in Macedonia and talk/lobby the government, government institutions and everyone that matters for a better, quicker and more human treatment of fellow citizens living abroad.
Difficulty is that a country that treats its own citizens living in the country a certain way cannot be expected to treat those who visit from abroad much better. If the institutions had the capacity to deal with the workload and the demand as it arises, it would be probably noted in one of the many reports by the EU as a huge success for the country on its way to full EU membership.
The counterargument is often brisk. The visitors are treated worse than locals, as they lack connections, do not know the process and are often taken for a ride and pay more than necessary for anything and everything from a simple taxi ride to a service by a professional.
The expectations from Macedonians about navigating the regulatory system, utilities, postal services and any other services for that matter are arguably high. Yet, corruption in Macedonia is a problem. It is also a way of life. For an immigrant facing this reality it is a great disappointment. Furthermore, it is the specific kind of corruption that is the culprit. It is difficult to accept the normalcy of bribing for services that should be paid above the table when it is absent in someone’s everyday reality elsewhere. It is an indication of the difficult road ahead for Macedonia. The solution coming from abroad, however, can be rather shallow and self-serving: “fix the corruption that we face when in Macedonia and make it go away while I am on vacation.”
If these parliamentary representatives are not independent and are instead part of a Macedonian political party, how can they ask for such a radical change outside of the normal Macedonian speed of change (infinite transition)? The answer is the same. There needs to be a systemic change across the Macedonian republic for the conditions to improve and that can only come from within the country.
An election abroad as an exceptional political act
If this is what the Macedonians want in terms of representation and what they care about in terms of issues it is not untoward to conclude that the elections did not fulfill the promise or the spirit of what was promised to Macedonians abroad. These Macedonians, this time were in the background and a passive observer of the affair. It is a case akin to a mistaken identity. The identity that was mistaken was that of the representatives that were chosen, put into the rink and ascended or acclaimed in parliament. The ones caught holding the bag did not have a chance to understand, assess and act on these elections. If there were ten steps to such an election, the Macedonians abroad were stuck on step one before someone told them that the ten step race was over and done.
The issue of issues in the few days that can be identified as a campaign was not about issues, representation, economic or any other aspect of the life abroad or in the Republic. It was the ability to be identified and counted as Macedonian. The issue was whether one has a Macedonian passport and the ability or chance to vote or be voted for. Having not resolved that issue in 20 years, the Macedonian government of the day showed only that it wished this problem was solved and has thrown only a small bone that was more contentious than useful when chewed. In the process the government threw a wrench in the relationship it had with the Diaspora.
Can anything nice be said about the June 4th elections? If there is solace it comes from the fact that despite its very small economic and political size Macedonia amazingly can and has acted upon an issue above its weight class. Sometimes an attempt speaks of the hidden capability of people. Yes, what an enthusiasm, what effort for only three electoral seats all done largely for one political party, but it was a political act of some complexity nonetheless. It also opened in this author’s opinion one of the most subtle and intuitive sleeper issues for the Macedonian nation if there ever was one. To preserve the nation, its truths and myths in the same measure and to one day seize the day as a true nation among equals, the Macedonian nation ought to connect the Macedonians wherever they are, and they are truly everywhere. It is a tall order but in a new age it is not outside of the realm of the possible.
This preservation must be based on three other tasks. One is that the Macedonians in Macedonia must preserve the unity and viability of the Macedonian state. This can only be done with the will and collaboration of all nationalities that live in the state. Second, it must develop a set of principles that would not be disputable. The conflict over a name of the state has already served in accomplishing this task. It is an affirmation of the strength of will even over substance and economic well-being. Third, it must grow its own unique path to prosperity. Macedonians must have a will to develop despite all of the obstacles they face.
Macedonians need no reminder of the fragile nature of their situation but could take pause to understand what is happening in the world today. The world around the small Macedonian state is changing rapidly. The sanctity of the European experiment is punctured in a major way. The biggest foe of Macedonia in the twenty year independence, Greece is on its economic death bed. They have closed the doors of Europe for the Macedonian Republic but they have, by this act, kept the Republic isolated from the dangers of the two-speed Europe scourge that is consuming the entire southern plank of the continent.
We were not allowed the benefits but also the mistakes or the debt we could have accumulated along the way. In an act that can safely be described as stupidity on its part Greece has spread the word about Macedonia in every corner of the world. If you are ever in a situation to travel very far and speak to ordinary people but also with the elites, the congressmen or parliamentarians in far flung countries and continents, you will not be stranger anymore.
I was recently at a reception deep into the countryside of Michigan and happen to sit with no less than four US congress representatives from Michigan. Once I told them I was Macedonian the conversation was lively and informed. No one questioned the existence of the nation or the country; on the contrary, there was a lot of understanding and respect. One cannot buy such propaganda of your national brand and tiny Macedonia could never afford to.
The success of the Republic nonetheless has to come from within its own borders. The most involved arguments for including immigrants in the conversation may be ultimately about their return to the country or interest in the Republic. The June 4th election was only a small step for Macedonia in being inclusive. It was not done well. It left many Macedonians asking whether this was an open hand of kinship or a slap in the face. The bigger step would be to search deeper for the goals and the proper realization of the next election.
The original question is whether the Diaspora should have a say in Macedonian affairs. Depending on the answer it is possible to construct some options for the next election. If you believe that representation without having a direct and material stake is wrong or that Macedonian immigrants affecting policy for those who actually pay taxes and live in Macedonia is wrong, there should not be another election abroad and the three seats should be scrapped.
If you believe that there is a legitimate need for all Macedonians living anywhere in the world to have a say, you would have to first justify your belief and argue how this benefits the Republic as opposed to only Macedonians living abroad.
The options in having a follow up election would be to repeat the same election, to improve the process with more polling stations, improved information flow etc. or to rethink the entire process and allow for input and feedback by the Diaspora in the creation of the next electoral vote. According to the poor perception this time around, the Macedonians would likely lean toward the last option. Macedonians living outside and inside Macedonia are part of the same people. As such, to borrow a line from a speech by Lincoln, they would all like to have a government of the people, by the people and for the people.
In the next installment of the Curious Case of the Macedonian Elections Abroad the theme is: Does the Macedonian Diaspora hold the key to Macedonia’s future?
Igor Siljanoski is a policy professional working and residing in Windsor, Ontario, Canada. His previous experience was in the public sector as an economist, economic development consultant and business and financial planner. Igor is lecturing macroeconomics at the St.Clair College of applied arts and science in Windsor, Ontario. Igor holds Masters Degree in Political Science and Honours Bachelor of Arts in International Relations from the University of Windsor, Canada.Leave a comment:
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The Curious Case of Macedonian Parliamentary Elections: Part II. Causes and Consequences
By Igor Siljanoski - 7/19/2011
On June 4th, 2011 Macedonian citizens living outside of the Republic of Macedonia voted for the first time in a Macedonian parliamentary election. At stake in the second in row early elections were three newly created seats in the “Sobranie,” the Macedonian House of Representatives, all of which were won by deputies from the governing party VMRO-DPMNE. The next day the party won the early parliamentary elections in the country with much diminished share of the national seats.
Weeks before the Macedonian parliamentary elections, the opposition parties publicly stated that the country was not prepared for the June 4th elections in the newly formed election units outside of Macedonia. They went as far as calling the whole process the biggest election falsification and that it could only benefit the ruling establishment of the governing party. They also pointed to the many deficiencies in the process, both technical and democratic.
It is worth asking about the driving force behind a decision to have Macedonia’s first worldwide elections. Why was this decision made? How do we explain the results? What are the consequences of such an election? These are questions that were important for the country to understand. Yet, as soon as the election was over, the entire June 4th affair was largely forgotten by everyone, including the media.
The VMRO connection to the Macedonian Diaspora
The June 4th election was a realization of one time promise given by one person, Nikola Gruevski, then leader of the official opposition party VMRO-DPMNE in 2004 in front of a sizeable audience of Macedonian immigrants in Detroit, Michigan in the United States. The promise was repeated on few more stops in the United States and notably in Melbourne, Australia. His promise was, in his own recollection, made on behalf of his party. It can only be speculated that the promise was preceded by a strong desire and ask by the immigrants present at the meetings or behind closed doors to be represented in the Macedonian parliament and in government.
Before the Macedonian Diaspora could influence the 2011 parliamentary elections it played a key role in forming the original electoral party of VMRO in Macedonia. The party was officially formed in June 1990 but its origins run much deeper. Many Macedonians abroad were victims of persecution either connected with the Greek Civil war that culminated in 1948-49 or in Yugoslavia where the idea of an independent Macedonian state was not in the plans of the federal authorities. Working in exile, these Macedonians carried the ideas formed in the early 20 century in Ottoman occupied Macedonia. The most prominent organization in an extremely turbulent and confusing period was titled Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization IMRO. The Macedonian acronym was VMRO. The name struck a chord in the Macedonian immigrant community and the name survived till 1990. What was a movement became a political party. Although details of the story of the origins of VMRO in North America and Australia remain murky, the 2004 meetings was nonetheless a homecoming of sorts for a new and energetic leader of the party carrying the tradition of the historic VMRO.
The Diaspora’s role in forming the party in Macedonia is not without significance for the current events. At the time of the Macedonian declaration of independence there was hardly any capacity to form an opposition party to the ruling Socialist/Communist party that was left with the disintegration of Yugoslavia. The socialist party was rebranded as Social Democratic Union of Macedonia. The formation of VMRO was the much needed shot of pluralism in the new state. The party was received well by the population and so was the young leader Ljupco Georgievski at its helm. The party was still weak and did not have enough support to win the first election, let alone to muster any of the revolutionary reforms and purges that would remove the former regime from power (like in the Czech Republic two years earlier).
The SDSM was on the surface a social democratic party but winning the election it moved to the right of the political spectrum to become the party of the elites as opposed to the working people in the new republic. The party implemented Macedonia’s first privatization plan with mixed results and disappointed many who expected a more orderly and more just privatization of the socialist enterprises worth saving and being built over many years in the former country.
Eventually, the VMRO party met electoral success but only for a short period of time. Their victory was based on a perception that the party was closer to the ordinary folk and that unlike the SDSM it was less likely to plunder the state treasury for the benefit of its own members. Once in power, however, it did not fare much better than the socialists. In the first place, lacking parliamentary majority it struggled to form a new government. Once established as a government, VMRO was not immune to the possibilities that allowed the government to benefit from the transition.
As a result of their policies, both leading Macedonian political parties in effect prolonged the economic transition to the detriment of economic growth and political stability culminating in 2001 with the Albanian insurgency in Macedonia. In the turmoil of the Macedonian Albanian conflict the VMRO lost the political battle and was forced to cede power to a unity government.
Meanwhile, the Ohrid Agreement, a series of constitutional guarantees won by the Albanian minority parties as a result of the peace deal brokered by the United States, ended the open hostilities and moved the country furthermore into a civic society. The VMRO party was a pan Macedonian national party and Macedonia was healing from an event that brought bitter and deep divisions to the surface that the party could not at the moment bridge or soothe. Its main vision was for Macedonia to be the country of the Macedonian nation. The realization of this vision was untenable without a formal and open recognition of the reality of the ethnic and religious makeup of the Country.
The VMRO’s bridge to the future at the time was Boris Trajkovski, a VMRO backed President that won a close presidential race in 1999. The race was so close the new president could not take the oath of office until all of the appeals to the vote count run their course. Once the crisis entered a post conflict phase Trajkovski’s manner gave everyone from the foreigners, the ambassadors and statesmen in Macedonia and the political parties’ confidence in at least one institution, the Presidency. At the time he received praise for handling the very heated atmosphere following the chaos of the spring and summer of 2001.
Following the loss of power by the party, Nikola Gruevski, previous finance minister to the now embattled leader of VMRO Georgievski managed to win a leadership position in the newly rebranded VMRO-DPMNE. He also managed to keep a large portion of the VMRO supporters in a slight to the original leader. While in opposition, Mr. Gruevski built support for his party. With no pressure that comes with governing he could concentrate on building a wider base for his Party. The wider base at home meant they would take in more educated, respected and more astute candidates, administrators and organizers, something sorely lacking with their first adventure in power. The search for support in the Diaspora was curious but part of the same effort to consolidate and widen his party’s support. This however was not the quest for intellectual power for the party, only for feeling the party roots and soft power over the Macedonians.
The nationalist Macedonian immigrants, a small but vocal minority among the many Macedonians residing abroad have helped with the formation of an alternative all Macedonian party in Macedonia. Now that the party finally gained legitimacy in Parliament and looked poised to replace the SDSM they sought victory for themselves. The new leader won their affection by speaking the same language of uncompromising defense of the Macedonian domain, identity, and name and about economic prosperity for the republic.
The final piece of the puzzle was the engagement of these passionate Macedonians in Macedonian affairs. The promise to have Macedonians everywhere vote in one of the next Macedonian elections sealed the popularity of the leading party with expatriates. The party won the parliamentary elections of 2006. The election was mired with irregularities and the outcome was a minority government let by VMRO. The government was formed with the largest Albanian party as a coalition partner.
The 2011 election call
The political circumstances in the country did not at first appear that dire for early elections so the election call came to Macedonians as a bit of a surprise. The VMRO-DPMNE had a comfortable lead in the parliament and barring one or two smaller affairs (a regular feature in Macedonian politics) it was a rather tranquil time. Then, on January 28, 2011 the opposition party left the parliament in a show of, well, opposition. The official reason was the hard handed approach by the state to the media outlets led by a television station, A1. The officials claimed criminal activity related to unpaid taxes in a series of businesses with a single address at Pero Nakov Street and a common owner, Velija Ramkovski.
In the last months of 2010 Velija seemed to come ever closer to Branko Crvenkovski, the leader of the official opposition. The relationship was not new but the openness and expectation of future political partnership in front of cameras signaled renewed commitment of both to collaborate and the implication was that it would be against the current government, presumably in the next elections.
At the same time, the television station A1 and the affiliated press organizations controlled by Velija continued to relentlessly criticize the government at every opportunity. The offices of the A1 television were raided on December 25, 2010. In a display of state power Velija Ramkovski was arrested along with many of his associates and managers under suspicion of hiding taxes. The Macedonian revenue agency (UJP) was in the lead of the investigation but the heavy police presence protecting the financial inspectors gave the television and opposition parties a visual fodder to accuse the government of attacking the freedom of the media. The opposition immediately painted the arrests as politically motivated. The government promptly denied political motivation and dismissed suppression of the unfriendly media as unfounded. The opposition reacted by walking away from parliament in protest.
This was not a first time that opposition party boycotted the parliament but the lessons from previous times have shown a pattern. The pressure would increase for a compromise and the opposition would win the support of the ambassadors and the EU officials etc. The problem would be portrayed as non-cooperation by the political parties on the European agenda and the pressure would increase for meetings, mediators and warnings from Brussels. In time the result would be the same, Macedonia would succumb under the pressure of others to fix the situation created by those who instigated the boycott and circumvented the institution in the first place by yet another political compromise.
It is difficult to assess whether the plans for opening the election to Macedonian citizens abroad had anything to do with the decision to go to an early election. The estimation that the elections would be low risk affair for the ruling party, however, probably played a significant role. The blame for the early election could be safely passed to the opposition and the three additional seats would help secure the party’s majority in Parliament.
The election showed how fluid the political landscape in the country is, that no one is politically infallible and that trust has to be earned outside elections. The media affair did not help the ruling party. Neither did the display of the previous poor record of the opposition party.
Voters did not care that the opposition left the parliament and wrestled the election by a staged protest. The issues in the election were entirely different. Perception of continuation of the political control over the public security sector and the judiciary by yet another political party seemed like betrayal of trust. The low and not improving living standard made worse by the global recession and rise in commodity prices were a serious issue as well. For all of the projects announced with enthusiasm by the government, the overall marks by the electorate for handling the economy and the euro integration were rather low.
The only saving grace and perhaps a reason for the return of the VMRO-DPMNE to power, albeit diminished one is the overall perception on the law enforcement and anti-corruption front. Not all, but many, saw a small but significant rise in the rule of law as a hopeful sign.
Without admitting it, Macedonians liked the semblance of orderly revenue collection, adherence to regulations and rules and the appearance of budgeted items in the state budget. In short, westernization of the Macedonian fiscal affairs, albeit still weak, was the reason for the support of the current government. Last, but not least, of the reasons for the vote was the remaining perception of the nationalist character of the leading party, something the Macedonians have not yet abandoned as important.
Once the decision to go to an election was made, the elections abroad were a scramble. Questions abounded: Who can be a candidate? How many citizens have to nominate an independent candidate? How do political parties nominate candidates? Who can vote? What documents do you need? Where would you go to register or to vote? Where can you gain information on the candidates and the elections abroad?
Open ended questions of these seemingly simple concepts in the republic were repeatedly asked mere weeks before the vote. The deadline for candidates to be nominated and the voters to be registered was May 6th. Many of the most eager and most informed Macedonian immigrants saw the voter registration forms only days before that date. The church organizations and Macedonian halls in many of the Canadian and US communities with large Macedonian population received the forms barely on time and very little else. The whole election seemed to be an afterthought.
The results of the vote
The June 4th, 2011 election results confirmed that all three of the election districts abroad went to VMRO candidates. According to web sources containing Macedonian population numbers there are anywhere between 600,000 and well over a million Macedonians living outside Macedonia. The Macedonian State Electoral Commission was able to persuade 7573 Macedonian Citizens to register for the vote worldwide. Only 4079 (less than 1% of the most conservative estimate of the Macedonian population living outside the country) actually voted in the three electoral units abroad, labeled 7, 8 and 9. The winners were:
Risto Mancev in Europe with 1578 out of the 2494 votes
Pavle Sazdov in North America with 560 out of 994 votes and
Milorad Dodevski in Australia with 548 out of only 591 votes cast
These numbers reflect a campaign that was too short, too compressed and essentially buried in obscurity as far as the Macedonian citizens living abroad were concerned. Even in these painfully small numbers of Macedonians who voted there is a huge hole in the absence of independent candidates. The elections were a mirror image of the Macedonian political party landscape only with the predominance of one political party. In Macedonia the elections showed a strong electoral split among the available parties.
People were casting votes as easily for the opposition as for the ruling party. The second placed SDSM had a huge electoral victory in the elections, pushing the ruling party numbers into minority territory. In comparison, the external elections were baby steps if described generously. The result, however, was not accidental.
Putting aside the suggestions by numerous articles in the Macedonian media and the arguments of the other political parties that the June 4th elections experienced heavy irregularities in the voting process, lacked legitimacy or that the State Electoral Commission did dismal job with voter lists, it is clear that the outcome was a result of years of work by the ruling party, VMRO-DPMNE to gain the trust and affection of Macedonians abroad. The relationship was nurtured and strengthened by the overt patriotism of the Party and the emotional connection of Macedonians to their land.
Even with an election done by Canadian and Swiss election authorities together the result may have been the same. Even if the voter numbers were much higher and included the more numerous mainstream immigrants, there is a good chance that they would vote for the only party they recognize as the Macedonian national party, something well placed in their sub-conscience.
This is the case despite the fact that the state of Macedonian political organizations abroad, including that of VMRO is almost nonexistent and the fact that the Macedonians are divided, suspicious of each other and highly individualistic. That the turnout was low, the opposition weak and the timelines extremely tight made the result more secure but not more inevitable.
The decision to have an election abroad can then be explained by the calculation of the VMRO-DPMNE that it will win all seats it creates for the members of the Macedonian Diaspora. Politically speaking, it is a logical move for a party that has the strongest support abroad. The decision, however, opens many new questions that have consequences for the Macedonian state. It makes a precedent that will open immigrant issues that may or may not mesh well with the state’s overall policy and interest. It has to be upheld in subsequent elections with considerable cost now made permanent. It opens a new avenue of organizational formation, first of the Macedonian political parties abroad and second of independent movements and organizations that will challenge VMRO-DPMNE at the very next election for the seats and the policy.
The story of the election does not end there. The numerous complaints and cries of anguish by the Macedonian immigrants did not only focus on the technical aspects of the election. There were more fundamental questions raised. Why would anyone be concerned or vote in an election if the outcome has absolutely no effect on their life? This is precisely why many Macedonians abroad silently see the whole affair as an internal Macedonian manipulation for domestic political purposes.
Issues that matter to Macedonians abroad
There are very few but very legitimate issues for Macedonians abroad that were raised in person and in print during the election campaign. One is the Macedonian identity issue. On this issue all Macedonians, virtually of all stripes abroad are united and to the right of any political party in the country. The firm position is that there should be no compromise; no negotiations under any auspices regarding the name of the state or any of the identity qualifiers such as the language, nationality etc. No Macedonian sovereign rights should be ceded in the UN process as it was not legitimate from the very beginning.
No political party in Macedonia promised to walk away from the negotiating table as that would likely spell a serious problem with the EU and its goodwill, money or prospects for entry into the EU. Immigrants, on the other hand do not see the need to pander to these institutions if they don’t recognize the importance of the name to the identity of the Macedonian nation.
Has the VMRO-DPMNE or any other political party in Macedonia addressed this issue in a way that they will be truly supported by the Diaspora? Hardly, and there lies the suspicion expressed by the Macedonian organizations abroad. Their message is simple; we need independent candidates who would legitimately represent our interests. In other words, not one of the major political parties represents or could represent our interests; they would only fall under the rigor of the political party discipline common to a parliamentary system. Worse, they will likely be influenced by the heavy presence of the international community and the will of the European and other world powers. Only independent individuals chosen in a wide and open election may be the only hope for true representation.
Many Macedonians living abroad travel to Macedonia with regular frequency. These Macedonians are responsible for an increasing portion of the Macedonian GDP through their direct foreign currency contributions to the country. Most trips are in the summer months when Macedonian immigrants fill the many gaps in the general tourism demand. Visiting Macedonia is the second most important issue for the Macedonians living abroad.
One problem is the relative obscurity of the country for international travelers. It is hard to reach Macedonia without thorough planning and investment in time and money. The country has done very little to organize trips and travel agencies into a network to negotiate and secure airlines, foreign tour operators and internal transportation for our immigrants to visit Macedonia. Normally, this is not a function of the state but it would be vastly beneficial to Macedonia to have made some efforts to improve its infrastructure and open the possibilities for travel to Macedonia. One development that has the potential to open up Macedonia for foreign travelers, including expatriates is the concession given to the Turkish TAV who is now responsible for the two Macedonian airports. The potential in terms of transportation and economic development is huge and it is yet to sync in with the Macedonians.
The Macedonians living abroad may wish only to reconnect with family and friends or to reconnect with their youth, their ancestral land and village or town but they also have legal, business, familial and other affairs they need to take care of while in Macedonia. The experience and treatment of the Macedonian immigrants by the Macedonian institutions is far from stellar and constitutes the third legitimate electoral issue. The time it takes to do these things in Macedonia can be long and tiring. Access to various professionals such as lawyers, notaries, doctors and many institutions of the system is a sour point and subject of many sad stories.
Macedonians want their representatives to work with the bureaucracy in Macedonia and talk/lobby the government, government institutions and everyone that matters for a better, quicker and more human treatment of fellow citizens living abroad.
Difficulty is that a country that treats its own citizens living in the country a certain way cannot be expected to treat those who visit from abroad much better. If the institutions had the capacity to deal with the workload and the demand as it arises, it would be probably noted in one of the many reports by the EU as a huge success for the country on its way to full EU membership.
The counterargument is often brisk. The visitors are treated worse than locals, as they lack connections, do not know the process and are often taken for a ride and pay more than necessary for anything and everything from a simple taxi ride to a service by a professional.
The expectations from Macedonians about navigating the regulatory system, utilities, postal services and any other services for that matter are arguably high. Yet, corruption in Macedonia is a problem. It is also a way of life. For an immigrant facing this reality it is a great disappointment. Furthermore, it is the specific kind of corruption that is the culprit. It is difficult to accept the normalcy of bribing for services that should be paid above the table when it is absent in someone’s everyday reality elsewhere. It is an indication of the difficult road ahead for Macedonia. The solution coming from abroad, however, can be rather shallow and self-serving: “fix the corruption that we face when in Macedonia and make it go away while I am on vacation.”
If these parliamentary representatives are not independent and are instead part of a Macedonian political party, how can they ask for such a radical change outside of the normal Macedonian speed of change (infinite transition)? The answer is the same. There needs to be a systemic change across the Macedonian republic for the conditions to improve and that can only come from within the country.
An election abroad as an exceptional political act
If this is what the Macedonians want in terms of representation and what they care about in terms of issues it is not untoward to conclude that the elections did not fulfill the promise or the spirit of what was promised to Macedonians abroad. These Macedonians, this time were in the background and a passive observer of the affair. It is a case akin to a mistaken identity. The identity that was mistaken was that of the representatives that were chosen, put into the rink and ascended or acclaimed in parliament. The ones caught holding the bag did not have a chance to understand, assess and act on these elections. If there were ten steps to such an election, the Macedonians abroad were stuck on step one before someone told them that the ten step race was over and done.
The issue of issues in the few days that can be identified as a campaign was not about issues, representation, economic or any other aspect of the life abroad or in the Republic. It was the ability to be identified and counted as Macedonian. The issue was whether one has a Macedonian passport and the ability or chance to vote or be voted for. Having not resolved that issue in 20 years, the Macedonian government of the day showed only that it wished this problem was solved and has thrown only a small bone that was more contentious than useful when chewed. In the process the government threw a wrench in the relationship it had with the Diaspora.
Can anything nice be said about the June 4th elections? If there is solace it comes from the fact that despite its very small economic and political size Macedonia amazingly can and has acted upon an issue above its weight class. Sometimes an attempt speaks of the hidden capability of people. Yes, what an enthusiasm, what effort for only three electoral seats all done largely for one political party, but it was a political act of some complexity nonetheless. It also opened in this author’s opinion one of the most subtle and intuitive sleeper issues for the Macedonian nation if there ever was one. To preserve the nation, its truths and myths in the same measure and to one day seize the day as a true nation among equals, the Macedonian nation ought to connect the Macedonians wherever they are, and they are truly everywhere. It is a tall order but in a new age it is not outside of the realm of the possible.
This preservation must be based on three other tasks. One is that the Macedonians in Macedonia must preserve the unity and viability of the Macedonian state. This can only be done with the will and collaboration of all nationalities that live in the state. Second, it must develop a set of principles that would not be disputable. The conflict over a name of the state has already served in accomplishing this task. It is an affirmation of the strength of will even over substance and economic well-being. Third, it must grow its own unique path to prosperity. Macedonians must have a will to develop despite all of the obstacles they face.
Macedonians need no reminder of the fragile nature of their situation but could take pause to understand what is happening in the world today. The world around the small Macedonian state is changing rapidly. The sanctity of the European experiment is punctured in a major way. The biggest foe of Macedonia in the twenty year independence, Greece is on its economic death bed. They have closed the doors of Europe for the Macedonian Republic but they have, by this act, kept the Republic isolated from the dangers of the two-speed Europe scourge that is consuming the entire southern plank of the continent.
We were not allowed the benefits but also the mistakes or the debt we could have accumulated along the way. In an act that can safely be described as stupidity on its part Greece has spread the word about Macedonia in every corner of the world. If you are ever in a situation to travel very far and speak to ordinary people but also with the elites, the congressmen or parliamentarians in far flung countries and continents, you will not be stranger anymore.
I was recently at a reception deep into the countryside of Michigan and happen to sit with no less than four US congress representatives from Michigan. Once I told them I was Macedonian the conversation was lively and informed. No one questioned the existence of the nation or the country; on the contrary, there was a lot of understanding and respect. One cannot buy such propaganda of your national brand and tiny Macedonia could never afford to.
The success of the Republic nonetheless has to come from within its own borders. The most involved arguments for including immigrants in the conversation may be ultimately about their return to the country or interest in the Republic. The June 4th election was only a small step for Macedonia in being inclusive. It was not done well. It left many Macedonians asking whether this was an open hand of kinship or a slap in the face. The bigger step would be to search deeper for the goals and the proper realization of the next election.
The original question is whether the Diaspora should have a say in Macedonian affairs. Depending on the answer it is possible to construct some options for the next election. If you believe that representation without having a direct and material stake is wrong or that Macedonian immigrants affecting policy for those who actually pay taxes and live in Macedonia is wrong, there should not be another election abroad and the three seats should be scrapped.
If you believe that there is a legitimate need for all Macedonians living anywhere in the world to have a say, you would have to first justify your belief and argue how this benefits the Republic as opposed to only Macedonians living abroad.
The options in having a follow up election would be to repeat the same election, to improve the process with more polling stations, improved information flow etc. or to rethink the entire process and allow for input and feedback by the Diaspora in the creation of the next electoral vote. According to the poor perception this time around, the Macedonians would likely lean toward the last option. Macedonians living outside and inside Macedonia are part of the same people. As such, to borrow a line from a speech by Lincoln, they would all like to have a government of the people, by the people and for the people.
In the next installment of the Curious Case of the Macedonian Elections Abroad the theme is: Does the Macedonian Diaspora hold the key to Macedonia’s future?
Igor Siljanoski is a policy professional working and residing in Windsor, Ontario, Canada. His previous experience was in the public sector as an economist, economic development consultant and business and financial planner. Igor is lecturing macroeconomics at the St.Clair College of applied arts and science in Windsor, Ontario. Igor holds Masters Degree in Political Science and Honours Bachelor of Arts in International Relations from the University of Windsor, Canada.Leave a comment:
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Macedonia: Gruevski Responds Bluntly To NATO’s Decision
By Misko Taleski, SETimes
May 23, 2012
Macedonia Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski gave NATO a stinging rebuke on Tuesday (May 22nd) after the organisation passed on the option to extend membership to his country due to Greece’s longtime objections.
The rejection was expected by observers, but that didn’t keep Gruevski from bitterly criticising NATO in an interview Tuesday with the Macedonian Information Agency (MIA).
“Such a policy of double standards, unprincipled-ness and moving away from the values they themselves publicly proclaim, I have not seen in a long time as is the case with Macedonia. They are ignoring the International Court of Justice ruling,” Gruevski said, referring to a December 2011 decision in which the court concluded that Greece had violated a 1995 Interim Accord when it vetoed Macedonia’s bid for NATO membership in 2008.
Gruevski’s unusually frank language reflects the disappointment for Macedonians, where recent polls showed that 85% of the population wanted the nation to be a NATO member. Newspaper headlines in Macedonia called the two-day Chicago summit a “disgrace.”
“Finally, somebody expressed that which the people think, being fully aware about the inequalities and realities of international politics. The choice NATO gives Macedonia to appease Greece, is no choice; we will never change nor should change our name. If NATO does not want us in as Macedonia, we should reconsider our commitment to the alliance,” Borche Ristevski, 32, a resident of Skopje, told SETimes.
While criticising some of the Western leaders, Gruevski said the sole culprit is Greece, which he said has used all means at its disposal over the past two decades to slow Macedonia’s development because of the longstanding disagreement over Macedonia’s name.
“These countries [NATO members] I consider our friends, but they are at the same time greater friends of Greece. That is how it was in the past 21 years and that is why Greece succeeds at harassing Macedonia to the maximum, without facing serious consequences,” said Gruevski. Macedonians say anything but the name “Republic of Macedonia” denies the nation’s right of identity. Greece has said the name is an implied threat towards its province of the same name.
Macedonia has been recognised by more than 100 countries and was admitted to the UN in 1993, but in that body — and most other international organisations — is identified as “the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.” Macedonia applied for NATO membership in 2005 and believed that it would be accepted in 2008, but Greece blocked a formal invitation
Despite the latest disappointment, Gruevski stressed that Macedonia remains committed to eventual membership. “We will remain dedicated to materialising our strategic goal for NATO membership and will work towards it. If somebody tells the truth, it does not mean he is picking a fight with the strategic partners,” Gruevski concluded.
Most analysts said the speech was a call to unite the country politically and that Gruevski –without question — succeeded.
“Gruevski has struck a chord with the people because he is the first Macedonian leader to state things as they objectively are, despite a potential threat to his position. The interview channeled the pain Macedonians feel while affected in every way possible by Greece’s blockages and obfuscation internationally,” Vladimir Bozhinovski, analyst at the Institute for Political Research, told SETimes.
“The speech also lays the ground for Macedonia to define its ‘red line’ regarding the Greek-imposed name issue,” he added.
Current and former policy makers expressed support, particularly praising the importance domestic policy continues to place on the rule of law as well as international law tenants.
“If Macedonia sends most soldiers to NATO missions per capita; if its soldiers fight terrorism in Afghanistan and Iraq with high-level professionalism as NATO allies; if we have satisfied all standards and criteria, achieved all reforms and are not getting anything in response, then Macedonia is right to be critical about the processes and the behaviour of some states,” Slobodan Chashule, Macedonia’s former foreign minister, told SETimes.
“In the case of Greece, it appears here that NATO and the EU are rewarding bad behaviour. Such an approach is already very costly for the EU, and we hope it will not be similarly costly to NATO,” Chashule said.Leave a comment:
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Macedonia Committed To Keeping Soldiers In Afghanistan
By Misko Taleski, SETimes
May 29, 2012
Macedonia’s government said it is committed to keeping its troops as part of the NATO mission in Afghanistan, despite urging from some in the country to withdraw after the organization again chose not to extend membership to Macedonia last week.
“Greece’s policy is merciless towards Macedonia’s soldiers, who risk their lives daily to bring freedom and security to Afghanistan. Irresponsible politicians and resulting policies do not contribute to the security and stability of our region,” President Georgi Ivanov told SETimes.
The small nation lobbied for an invitation to be extended at the Chicago NATO summit, but the organization took no action toward expansion. It’s the second disappointment for Macedonia, which also sought an invite in 2008, but both times were thwarted over a longstanding name dispute with neighbouring Greece.
“Macedonia should rethink whether it is ready to continue participating in Afghanistan and invest funds to be a part of the ‘global partnership’ when itself is faced with the consequences of the economic crisis. If asked, I would counsel to immediately withdraw our soldiers,” Biljana Vankovska, professor at the Institute for Security, Defence and Peace Studies, told SETimes.
She argued that the demand stems from failing to give Macedonia equal treatment and as a result of the increased cost to the country of participation in NATO’s missions. It is better to dedicate time and resources to securing the peace internally, she said.
Macedonia is the fifth-largest contributor of soldiers per capita since it began to participate in NATO’s missions in 2002 in Iraq, Lebanon, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Afghanistan. There are more than 2,000 Macedonian soldiers in Afghanistan, as well as thousands of other Macedonian citizens in various support capacities. Macedonian soldiers are also included in training the Afghan security forces.
Macedonia’s military leaders argue the country should continue the pro-NATO course despite the cost of 120m euros for the NATO missions.
“Withdrawing from the ISAF mission in Afghanistan will be a big political mistake. Problems are not solved by retribution; that way only friends and allies are lost. This, at a time when the Macedonian soldiers are receiving the highest decorations from NATO and the US,” the former chief of staff, General Mistre Arosvski, told SETimes.
The government said it is not planning to increase the number of troops in NATO missions because that would drain the state budget. NATO membership enjoys over 90% support in Macedonia according to latest polls, and citizens are mostly sceptical about calls for troop responsible for US operations in 52 countries. EUCOM is committed to promoting stability, co-operation and prosperity in the region.
“Being revolted at the big powers’ political games, double standards and unjust decisions outside accepted criteria is a human reaction. But long-term, we all believe Macedonia will one day be part of NATO and we should continue the presence of our military in Afghanistan,” Skopje resident Todor Ristovski, 47, told SETimes.
Macedonia has been recognized by more than 100 nations, but is a member of the UN under a “temporary reference” of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Greece objects because it sees a threat toward its own province with the same name. Macedonia says its name is a matter of national identity.
About SETimes
The Southeast European Times Web site is a central source of news and information about Southeastern Europe in ten languages: Albanian, Bosnian, Bulgarian, Croatian, English, Greek, Macedonian, Romanian, Serbian and Turkish. The Southeast European Times is sponsored by the US European Command, the joint military commandLeave a comment:
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Far-Right Golden Dawn spokesman hits two female MPs on Greek talk show
An arrest warrant has been issued for the spokesman for Ilias Kasidiaris, Greece's far-Right Golden Dawn party after he physically assaulted two female left-wing MPs on live television during a morning political show.
Tempers frayed on the political show on the private Antenna television station during a discussion of the country's politics in the run-up to repeat elections on June 17.
Mr Kasidiaris took offence at a reference by radical left Syriza party member Rena Dorou over a court case that is pending against him.
The 31-year-old bounded out of his seat and hurled a glass of water across the table over Ms Dorou when she said there was a "crisis of democracy when people who will take the country back 500 years have got into the Greek parliament."
He then turned on prominent Communist Party member Liana Kanelli, who had got up out of her chair with a newspaper in hand and appeared to throw it at the Golden Dawn member.
Talk show host Giorgos Papadakis ran over to Mr Kasidiaris to attempt to calm him, shouting "no, no, no!"
But Mr Kasidiaris, who had served in the Greek military's special forces, hit Ms Kanelli around the face three times. A public prosecutor ordered his immediate arrest.
Mr Kasidiaris was elected to Parliament in the country's recent inconclusive polls. Deputies from all seven parties that won parliament seats in the May 6 polls had been invited on the show.
"The government condemns in the most categorical way the attack by Golden Dawn spokesman Ilias Kasidiaris against Liana Kanelli and Rena Dourou," government spokesman Dimitris Tsiodras said. "This attack is an attack against every democratic citizen."
Mr Tsiodras called on Golden Dawn to condemn its member's actions.
Golden Dawn, which vehemently denies the neo-Nazi label, has been accused of being behind violent attacks against immigrants.
The party won nearly 7 percent of the vote on May 6, giving it 21 seats in the 300-member Parliament. It was a radical increase from its showing in the previous elections in 2009, when the party had won just 0.31 percent of the vote.
Greeks reeling from two years of austerity amid their country's vicious financial crisis punished the two formerly main parties, the conservative New Democracy and socialist PASOK at the polls, turning instead to radical smaller parties to the right and left of the political spectrum.
The 300 deputies took up their seats for a day last month before parliament was dissolved and new elections called as no party had won enough votes to form a government on its own, and negotiations for a coalition government collapsed after 10 days.
Source: AP
The article below titled “One in two policemen voted for Golden Dawn” is from the Greek newspaper To Vima (The Herald) of May 11, 2012, is an analysis of the voting results of the designated polls in Athens where members of the Eliniki Astynomia (EL. AS.) or Greek Police voted.
As it is now widely known Golden Dawn is the party of the neonazis in Greece.
“The analysis of the votes received by "Golden Dawn" in 11 polling stations of Athens voting district ‘A’ is impressive. At these polls vote thousands of police officers serving in the General Police Directorate of Attica - based on the special electoral lists’, ……………………………. Shows “the percentage of police officers who vote "Golden Dawn" ranges between 45% and 59%.”
Ενας στους δύο αστυνομικούς ψήφισαν «Χρυσή Αυγή»
Τι δείχνουν τα αποτελέσματα στα εκλογικά τμήματα στα οποία ψηφίζει το προσωπικό της ΕΛ.ΑΣ.
Βασίλης Γ. Λαμπρόπουλος
ΔΗΜΟΣΙΕΥΣΗ: 11/05/2012, 06:21 | ΤΕΛΕΥΤΑΙΑ ΕΝΗΜΕΡΩΣΗ: 11/05/2012, 06:21
Περισσότεροι από ένας στους δύο αστυνομικούς ψήφισαν «Χρυσή Αυγή»! Το εντυπωσιακό αυτό στοιχείο φαίνεται να προκύπτει από την ανάλυση των ψήφων σε εκλογικά τμήματα της πρωτεύουσας-κυρίως στις περιοχές των Αμπελοκήπων και στην Καισαριανή- όπου ψηφίζουν μαζικά περίπου 5.000 αστυνομικοί που υπηρετούν σε αστυνομικές υπηρεσίες της Αθήνας.
Στα περισσότερα από τα τμήματα στα οποία ψηφίζουν οι αστυνομικοί -όπως κι άλλοι πολίτες- το ποσοστό της «Χρυσής Αυγής» κυμαίνεται από 19-24% κι είναι το μεγαλύτερο που παρατηρείται σε ολόκληρη την πρωτεύουσα. Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι η οργάνωση σε περιοχές όπως ο Αγιος Παντελεήμονας ή η Κυψέλη, όπου θεωρείται ότι έχει ισχυρά ερείσματα, συγκεντρώνει ποσοστό από 15 έως 18%!
Η ανάλυση των ψήφων που έλαβε η «Χρυσή Αυγή» σε 11 εκλογικά τμήματα της Α΄ Αθηνών είναι εντυπωσιακή. Σ΄αυτά ψηφίζουν - με βάση ειδικούς εκλογικούς καταλόγους- χιλιάδες αστυνομικοί που υπηρετούν στην Γενική Αστυνομική Διεύθυνση Αττικής και σε υπηρεσίες όπως η Άμεση Δράση, η ΔΙΑΣ, η Ασφάλεια Αττικής κι άλλες. Τα τμήματα αυτά- από το 806 ως και το 816 εκλογικό τμήμα-,βρίσκονται στα σχολικά συγκροτήματα στην οδό Αμπελακίων 24 και στην οδό Πανόρμου, κοντά στην έδρα του Μεγάρου της ΕΛ.ΑΣ, στη Λεωφόρο Αλεξάνδρας.
Στα εν λόγω τμήματα η «Χρυσή Αυγή» έρχεται πρώτο κόμμα και το ποσοστό της κυμαίνεται από 18,64% (στο 813ο εκλογικό τμήμα) έως 23,67% (στο 816ο εκλογικό τμήμα). Επιπλέον η «Χρυσή Αυγή» έλαβε ποσοστά 23,08% στο 811ο εκλογικό τμήμα, 22,7% στο 808ο εκλογικό τμήμα και 22,2 στο 806ο.
Είναι χαρακτηριστικό ότι λίγες εκατοντάδες μέτρα πιο κάτω σε εκλογικά τμήματα της οδού Τσόχα, όπου δεν ψηφίζουν οι αστυνομικοί, το ποσοστό της «Χρυσής Αυγής» πέφτει στο 12-14%. Αν συνυπολογισθεί ότι κατά μέσο όρο σε κάθε ένα από αυτά τα τμήματα, όπως προκύπτει εξάλλου και από τους εκλογικούς καταλόγους, ψηφίζουν περίπου 550-700 άτομα κι ο αριθμός των αστυνομικών που ψηφίζουν σ΄αυτά κυμαίνεται από 20% ως 30% επί του συνόλου των ψηφισάντων, τότε με την σχετική αναγωγή το ποσοστό των αστυνομικών που ψηφίζουν «Χρυσή Αυγή» κινείται μεταξύ του του 45% και του 59%.
Εκτός τούτου, σε τέσσερα αστυνομικά τμήματα της Καισαριανής, που βρίσκονται δίπλα στην έδρα των ΜΑΤ, όπου και πάλι ψήφισαν αστυνομικοί της συγκεκριμένης αστυνομικής δύναμης, η «Χρυσή Αυγή» καταλαμβάνει ποσοστό από 13 έως 19%. Το ποσοστό αυτό είναι εξ ίσου εντυπωσιακό αν συσχετισθεί με το γεγονός ότι σε γειτονικά εκλογικά τμήματα στην περιοχή του Βύρωνα η δύναμη της «Χρυσής Αυγής» είναι από 7% ως 10%.Leave a comment:
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Gruevski: Macedonia deserves membership invitation, NATO lacking response
Skopje, 20 May 2012 (MIA) - Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski refers in an interview with MIA to the NATO Summit in Chicago, saying he does not expect Macedonia will get the deserved membership invitation due to Greece's blockade, the unprincipled position and double standards policy of the Alliance, as well as the selective application of international law. He also speaks of the Government's future activities after the summit.
Q. The NATO summit in Chicago is starting in a few hours. Why are you not there?
Because Macedonia will not get a membership invitation, which it deserves according to international law, but also in line with all human, moral norms, principles and achievements. We have been getting information for months that we should not expect an invitation to join NATO.
Q. If we still get the invitation, would you go?
Yes, gladly!
Q. Who will represent Macedonia at the summit?
There will be a high-level representation of Macedonia in Chicago, even higher than normal, taking into account the circumstances, when a country is subjected to injustice, lack of principles and a double-standard policy, and on top of that, the country is told it should feel guilty for this and show understanding for the one who is doing the injustice and acts irresponsibly. This is not only a problem for Macedonia, it is obviously also a problem for the Alliance, much bigger than a formality. This is an essential problem from a political, moral and legal point of view, in the sense of rule of law, and NATO has no response to this. Therefore, this is not an issue only of Macedonia and Greece, but an issue of NATO too.
And when I am referring to being in Chicago, I say attendance, not participation. The summit is intended for member-states, we are only a candidate country, which is used when needed, but when we need NATO, we get lessons in politics and the importance of principle of solidarity and consensus, in the sense there is no justice in politics when it comes to the relationship between the more powerful and the less powerful. And then we should feel guilty that we had not known this, or understand there is no justice or injustice in politics, but reality or interests. This is classical distortion of essence and the main goal of politics, which creates values, but does not protect material interests at any cost.
Q. And what else?
That injustice should be a normal thing in our moral values, whereas disrespect of international law by the more powerful is called political reality. And that we should learn to be faced with injustice because we are smaller and less powerful. Instead of we being the ones who are angry, they are angry at us because we are angry at injustice that comes from the big powers.
Q. Still, the Foreign Minister will be in Chicago?
Yes, the Foreign Minister, the President, the Ambassador to NATO and many others. Personally, if I was the President, I would not go, and I am not sure if the minister should be there in circumstances where NATO has ignored us in the past. Maybe his deputy should have represented us, taking into account the obvious lack of interest by the most powerful countries in NATO towards Macedonia, as well as their obvious interest to be at the service of Greece at any price, taking the burden - if they see it as burden - of the utterly unprincipled and incorrect conduct towards a country, which they have mistreated for years regarding membership, but is always invited when needed, whether in times of its necessity as a logistical base such as the case with the 1999 intervention in Serbia, or when they needed our presence in Afghanistan, Iraq and other places where allies were required. Then they require our army, our presence, our flag, our determination.
An example of the distortion I am referring to. I don't know how certain representatives of leading NATO countries address us or slander us of missing a chance with Papandreou, but also use similar diplomatic terms that, to be frank, make me sick when hearing them. I have not witnessed for a long time such hypocrisy, such policy of double standards, such lack of principles and distancing from the values they publicly promote, as in the case with Macedonia. On the top of that, we have the International Court of Justice ruling that is beneficial for us. I know that some politicians believe they are strong enough to do this and no one can do anything, but there is a rule which says that when someone lacks principles in continuity, all allies, friends and associates will lose confidence in time.
When saying this I do not refer to everyone, since there are a lot of countries, politicians and diplomats in NATO who openly, sincerely and publicly support us. They criticize when we deserve it, but they always stick to principles rather than their grand interest. I would like to thank our sincere friends, who support us and fight for us in spite of all challenges. I know my thesis can be taken out of context and someone can manipulate it, but I say this sincerely and with my head held high, because I am talking about my country, my people, their perspective, and I do not intend to be silent in this regard.
Q. What will you do during the NATO summit?
I will be in Macedonia in the coming days after the return from China, where we had a week-long presentation of Macedonia's investment opportunities before about 500 companies. I fight for every friend, for every investor, for every citizen with all my heart, I invest everything into securing a better and more prosperous future for our citizens and their generations.
I will travel for Turin, Milan and Rome next week, where we will hold presentations before groups of investors, followed by a reception with the Pope and the Vatican PM, in the framework of the celebrations of the holy Cyril and Methodius.
I know there is no hope of altering the Chicago agenda with my presence. Therefore, I will work on something that has hope, to attract some company to Macedonia and employ people.
With regards to NATO lobbying, we have done everything in our power over the past 7-8 months. Together with the President and the ministers we knocked on every door, we visited literally all member-states and our conscience is clear.
Q. Who is, according to you, the main culprit for the situation we are in?
The main culprit for our failure to join NATO has a name - Greece. Undoubtedly, this is a country that has halted our progress for the past two decades, investing enormous resources in this, spending political credits, using the name issue in internal politics and populist propaganda. This is done for the sole purpose of changing the country's name, the name of our people, the name of our language, our identity. While they fussed the people in Greece by showing muscles towards Macedonia, by endangering the future of two million people, we are seeing now what they have been doing behind the scenes, bringing the country into the current state.
Q. Are there talks and is there a chance to work out a better conclusion at the summit?
For me, only a membership invitation can be a good or better conclusion. Everything else is throwing dust in one's eyes. Therefore, I would like to say that all other speculation regarding certain formulation in the conclusions, commas etc are completely beyond the reality and the result of this summit. And the result is that Macedonia will not get a membership invitation. There is nothing in between, no commas, nothing more, nothing less, either there is or isn't an invitation.
Conclusions are a diplomatic game without borders. Interest and power wins at the end. This is small solace of the big powers when they abuse the small ones. They give them a certain conclusion as hope, as means to control the deep frustration caused by injustice. Even if they figure out a new conclusion that differs from the Bucharest one, it will mean nothing as long as one, two or three NATO member-states, the most powerful ones, decide to oppose Greece's policy, which is characteristic of the 19th century. That is why I am saying that whatever the conclusion, nothing will change the situation unless there is a membership invitation. And then we should rejoice for weeks, debating the conclusion, saying at the end that America, Germany, France and others are our big friends and that we are indebted to them.
Q. Do you think they are not our friends?
Unfortunately, this is not a question of friendship or good intentions, but one of interest and classical demonstration of power. It seems as if there are no friendships in international politics at this time, or as if the word has lost importance.
Q. This means you do not consider these countries as our friends?
If you insist on the word friends, I will respond in this way. I consider them my friends, but at the same time, they are closer friends of Greece. Such has been the case in the past 21 years, and that is why Greece has managed to mistreat us to the utter limit without facing serious consequences. If the situation was opposite, for example, if Greece did not meet its commitments resulting from an ICJ judgment towards America, Germany or France, it would have been faced with UN Security Council sanctions. The same would go if we did not meet our commitments when it comes to Greece. Just look at what is happening in the EU, they literally beg Greece not to exit the Euro zone.
Q. Do you believe that international law is implemented selectively?
Absolutely. There are many specific examples of this, but ours is one of the most obvious. I deeply believe and am certain that Barack Obama himself is aware of Greece's injustice towards Macedonia, but probably has other reasons why he cannot say this. He is a man of flesh and blood, he also has consciousness, emotions and reason. Many people behave differently in everyday life from what they think within due to certain reasons or interests at the given time.
Q. Still, most officials of NATO member-states have clearly said that the accession requires consensus, and that NATO rules say that every country can block the accession of another?
I would sustain this as an argument if NATO states put Macedonia's accession on the agenda of the NATO summit and put Greece on the spot, so that it can violate international law again and put a veto following the Hague ruling. Only then NATO will not have any guilt or lack of principles. But this will not happen.
Q. However, you knew that the principle of solidarity is valid in NATO?
No! The NATO act reads that all countries should demonstrate solidarity with a member-state if it violates the international law, if it imposes injustice to another country. This is not solidarity. Word solidarity is used for other issues. For example, if a country is attacked from outside, then all others are engaged in its defense. Look, I do not want this to seem as if I am delivering a lecture to the big powers or sound pathetic. No. I am indebted before my people to say the truth. And the truth is just like this.
Q. What interests are at stake in the case with Greece?
There are many, starting from the Diaspora voting in another country, funding of campaigns by Greek billionaires, large weapon procurements, EU relations, where everyone can block the other for everything, or support for that matter. The list is long.
Q. Then, how should we proceed?
We will continue to act with principles, in a much more European manner compared to certain Union member-states. We will not halt the reforms, which are primarily important for ourselves, but we will continue to hold active talks in finding a solution, and wait for our historic chance. And we will use it. Just as our ancestors worked tirelessly for the achievement of their ideals, continually and patiently, using their historic chances in 1944 and 1991.
Q. Are you still prepared for a compromise in order to solve the name problem?
Absolutely. I will continue to work hard on this.
Q. Domestic critics accuse you of irritating Greeks by erecting certain monuments, putting names on highways and airports?
Having in mind the injustice and damage Greece is doing to us, I don't know why even the word irritation is used. If we irritate them, what word can be used for the thing they are doing to us? This is a complete distortion of the theses. There is no greater irritation than 20 years of blocking, denial, underestimation, financial damage to the people and the country, even tensions. This is not irritation, but a crime on a nation and a state. They should not expect us to think whether something will irritate them until this crime is imposed to us. What we ask is justice in order to get what we deserve. We have no pretensions or want something bad to happen to anyone, we only want stability, progress and membership in EU and NATO.
Q. What is the role of the Macedonian opposition in this situation?
I do not intend to enter into quarrels with the Macedonian opposition. This issue is too important, a strategic issue of Macedonia's foreign policy, which means not only prosperity, but also stability. Is there a prime minister who would not want his country to join EU and NATO in his time? No. There is no need to dispute with the opposition over this topic, where everything is clear. Instead of conducting witch hunts, it would be best if citizens unify and continue together on the path of reforms. Therefore, if someone asks what is Macedonia's alternative after Chicago, the answer is - reforms! Investing all of our strength, without stopping and hesitation. History will find a place for everything else.Leave a comment:
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OK Thank you. I am reading his articles online now very interesting.Leave a comment:
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You live in Canada.
I strongly recommend you reach out to Risto Stefov. A great Macedonian who has some excellent narratives as well as many military briefs in relation to the Aegean Macedonians.Leave a comment:
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I am actually moving in that direction to make it a research project. If anyone knows how I can get source materials, personal narratives etc drop me a private message please. Thank you.Leave a comment:
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On the Road of Time – Chapter 2 - Part 2
By Petre Nakovski
Translated and edited by Risto Stefov
rstefov@hotmail.com
July 1, 2012
They treated my foot sores with all kinds of potions for months and my feet eventually healed. Then I took on a job as a shepherd… and worked from April 1948 to August 1949. More and more people were taken from the village during that time. Men and women capable of fighting were mobilized and taken to the battle zones. Older men and women and some younger women were mobilized and given the task of transporting ammunition from the Prespa warehouses to the Gramos battle zones.
There was no day that passed that the people in charge, led by some woman named Vera, did not come to the village, take the people to the school, tell them that victory was near and ask them to give everything they had. And the people did give everything they had. They gave their bedcovers, pillows, forks, spoons, plates, cups, socks, shirts, sweaters and lives… there was no day when the church bell did not ring signifying the occurrence of a death. There was no day that bad news did not arrive of so and so being killed. Crying and wailing was an everyday regular occurrence in the village. And every day the village became poorer and more desolate; a wasteland…
There were no children my age. Except for the babies, there were no children at all… Mothers wept and wailed, took to the highway and waited at the border looking into the distance… They thought that by doing so their children might return. That’s when I realized that our people had been robbed of their greatest joy and deprived of their most valuable… happiness… their children. One day in 1949, I don’t remember which month, at Prisoio, near the border where my sheep were grazing, my father appeared to me. He was dressed in a military uniform and told me to quickly bring him clothes from home. I ran home and brought him some. He quickly changed and after he hugged me I thought that he was going to take me with him. But he didn’t. I don’t know why he didn’t. So again I was left alone…
One day, I think it was in August, in the afternoon, Partisans riding on horses ran into our village. They ran up and down the village streets going from house to house banging on doors with the butts of their rifles and yelling: “Leave! Leave! Leave! The front has been breached! The Greek army is coming and it will slaughter and hang everything it finds that is living!!!”
Like a sudden storm, like a wild fury out of hell, like a flood spawned by a hailstorm, like a swollen muddy river and a cloud of fire, the frightening and terrible news was spread from house to house and from mouth to mouth. Great fear made throats of grown men tighten, hands tremble, knees buckle, faces distort, eyes sink, skins crawl and minds become confused.
“Leave! Leave! Leave!” thundered the hoarse voices of the horsemen, headlong and frantic, sowing the seeds of fear. Widespread fear was sown everywhere. When the fear of one becomes the fear of many, it becomes universal and nothing can stop it. And those who ordered the fear surely knew of its power…
The villagers, whom I came to know, already gripped by fear, now overpowered by the yelling of the horsemen who forcefully pushed the people to leave, quickly gathered their belongings, everything that they could carry from their homes. They took their bed covers, woolen blankets, etc., and some food and loaded them onto their wagons, donkeys (their horses and mules were confiscated by the Partisans), backs and shoulders. They also took their livestock; oxen, sheep and goats and ran for their lives.
We first took the road straight for Markova Noga. The border was close so we figured that we could cross it quickly, but when we reached the Sveti Jovan Church our Partisans closed the road on us. They began to yell and told us to return to our homes. One of the villagers explained what had happened and begged them to let us pass so that we could go to our relatives in the villages in Dolno Dupeni, Liuboino and Braichino where we would be safer than going back home. The man told them that most of us had family there and that we would remain there until the worst was over and then we would return to our homes. But our Partisans said, “NO!” and pointed their rifles at us. “Back!” they yelled, “Go back and take the road to Peroo and from there go to Nivitsi, Orovo and Grazhdeno.” We refused to budge as more and more people kept arriving with their wagons, oxen, goats, sheep, donkeys…
But they insisted and kept yelling, “Back! We order you to go back to Peroo!” And as the crowd swelled up they opened fire with a couple of machine guns. The whistling bullets flying over our heads made us even more afraid. But still they refused to let us cross the border. We turned around and took the road to Peroo. The people from German and Rabi crossed over the bridge first then were quickly followed by people from the other villages; Orovnik, Poply, Rudary, Shtrkovo, Medovo… We, the people who crossed the Kula-Peroo bridge first, spent the night hiding in the sparse trees along the road. In the morning we could see airplanes flying over the mountains Lisets, Moro and Chukata. We could see piles of soil fly from the ground as the airplanes dropped bombs and then moments later we would hear the thunderous explosions. After that we saw tanks and soldiers running behind them, rushing towards Prespa on the other side of Prevolot. And on Bela Voda towards German, Partisans were running to the level part of the mountain base where more and more people were coming and rushing towards Peroo. Then the airplanes appeared in Bela Voda and flew at high speeds towards the level part of the mountain base.
“Quickly, quickly, quickly, move, move, run, run, run fast, and don’t stop,” we could hear voices calling and yelling at the people. Some of those running tripped and fell while others jumped over them and stepped on them. Lost in the mad rush, some people were calling out, crying and looking for their friends and relatives. We could hear the screams of babies and young children and the cries of mothers and women, the mooing of cattle and the bleating of sheep. Among the people and on the sides ran men and women Partisans and they too were yelling, shouting, stopping, crouching and firing their weapons. The airplanes dominated the sky all day, flying in shifts.
There was one way to salvation for those people – Kula – so everyone ran for Kula.
“Leave!!!” a voice was half heard calling amid the roar of the airplane engines, which for days had dominated the skies. Airplanes were flying in and out of the area firing their machine guns, dropping their bombs, tearing up the earth, tossing soil into the air and blanketing everything with dust and black smoke. The tanks too were doing their bit adding to the chaos and ploughing the ground with their steel treaded tracks. The entire plain between the two lakes and every inch of land up to Peroo was full of people frantically running to escape the fire falling from the sky. Non-stop the aircraft persisted, flying low with engines thundering, firing long volleys of machine gun fire, dropping bombs that exploded into fireballs, giving rise to terrible flames that rose above the plains and burned people and everything in sight. Non-stop loud cries and wailing could be heard, people were dying from bombs exploding and from burning flames. Those alive were running, running, frantically running towards Peroo, falling and getting up again... There was salvation in Peroo, they would be saved if they reached Peroo but first they would have to cross the bridge, run across to the other side of the lake, take to the mountains and hide in the bushes and in the forest. To do that they would have to avoid the airplanes flying from Bela Voda, turning half circle and from high above firing their machine guns and dropping their bombs and grenades. They would have to pass through the fire, the smoke and the cries and screams of the wounded who had fallen all over the plains.
When the airplanes flew away we thought that they would not come back, but that was only wishful thinking. Soon after one group left, another group arrived, again dropping bombs and firing at the people with machine guns. Some were dropping bombs of fire. When the airplanes were changing shifts the cannons took their place pounding the plains. It was non-stop, one thunderstorm after another. The tanks were rolling, dominating the area between Orovnik and Rabi, firing their cannons during the time the skies over Prespa were free of aircraft.
Then suddenly there was a great big explosion. The bridge in Peroo and the lake flood gates were blown up. The masses of people left behind had nowhere to go. Without a bridge to cross and with water flooding the plain, many were left in peril… Some were lost to the bombs and now many were left to drown. The strait between the two lakes was too narrow to fit all of them. They jostled one another, shouted and screamed and, to save themselves, they jumped into the wild rushing water above which, every several minutes or so, aircraft flew and while doing so fired upon them and unleashed their bombs and rockets. Then immediately behind them, other aircraft flew and dropped the kind of bombs that spread fire and raised a lot of flames burning everything living and dead in their path. When the tanks and infantry arrived a vicious and bloody battle ensued. The aircraft began to bomb the coastline and the road that leads from Kula-Peroo to Vineni. The road was lined with dismembered bodies of people and animals. We took that road and sought our salvation on it…
I will say it again: an unprecedented hurricane hit Prespa. The airplanes dropped a hailstorm of hot iron from the sky and behind them flew more airplanes dropping blankets of flame. Black clouds of smoke rose from the earth, pieces of molten iron penetrated the living bodies of the powerless, a hailstorm of iron pounded the soil and long tongues of flames fell from the sky and scorched the earth turning everything to ashes. The sky was covered with black clouds and the lake waters turned red. Horrible, frightening, wild screams and death cries were heard everywhere and help was nowhere to be seen; it never came. The naked sandy plane between Rabi and Peroo was an open slaughter house… a killing field. That day our eyes were filled with horror, fear, despair, curses, swearing and hopelessness...
I experience that sight all the time, awake and in my dreams and have never managed to shake it off, to get rid of it, or to answer the question as to why it was so wild and fanatical, blind and cold, fierce and furious, why so much hatred and thirst for such savage killing? Why was there so much unnecessary, horrible, terrible and furious anger sown over Prespa? It seems to me that God never forgot that day… He gave strength and power to revenge, fire, evil doing and death…
Beaten from heaven and from earth, jumping over the bodies of those killed and wounded, skipping over the bloated carcasses of dead cattle whose intestines were scattered all over the road and in the meadows and constantly being accompanied by terrible screaming, we moved, dizzily moved through the wilderness that would lead us to the Albanian border. Walking with us were men and women Partisans carrying wounded on their shoulders, in blankets and on stretchers. There were old men and women and men and women of very old age walking, moving, trying to escape the horror... There were also very young children with a mad look in their eyes clenching at their mother’s dress. They walked and walked and turned their heads, but only for a moment, just to see if there were living walking behind them and if they were keeping up the pace.
When we crossed the border and when the blasts of the bombs could not reach us, and when we could no longer hear the roar of the flying aircraft, that’s when I felt the greatest emptiness, the greatest pain. That’s when I realized how painful the forced abandonment of my home was. How could one carry their entire property, their belongings, things collected over centuries and put them in a bag and walk away? What about the house, the garden, the fields, the meadows, the vineyards, the forests? Could one even take a small piece of those and put them in a sack?
I could not even begin to imagine the pain that I would feel if I had lost members of my family, as so many of those travelling with me had done!
Can you imagine how much it hurts to leave your birthplace under duress? Do you know how much it hurts to be pushed to go to a foreign country and only take with you what you can carry on your shoulders, under your armpits and around your neck? Do you know how upsetting it is to have to choose things from your long acquired property and take only as much as you can fit in a bag or sack? Do you know how much grief it causes to have to put a padlock on the gate of your own home and not to know when you will take it off?
Our days of hope blackened in only three days, our effort and sacrifices were in vain, all our hopes and aspirations were dispersed and disappeared. We were leaving but could not escape the war that raged behind us. Thousands of us crossed over the mountains and the same thousands left behind our homes, fields, meadows, vineyards, forests… which we had built with our own sweat and fertilized with our effort.
I could not even imagine how people, who were separated from members of their family, must have felt as they were leaving, running for their lives!
I realized that for us there was no other road except the road that led to our uprooting... and at that very moment we heard voices shouting, “Continue to Albania.” We travelled... people and livestock together... Heavy rain fell during the night. There was no place to hide, to secure your head. We kept going, God knows where, travelling in a long column. Hungry and tired our livestock took to the meadows, gardens, fields and yards of the Albanian villages and we continued to walk on foot until we arrived at the village Pogradets. Here they loaded us onto trucks and took us to the plains just outside the city Elbasan. A month or so later they loaded us on ships and took us to Poland.
In Poland they placed the children, including myself, in children's homes. There I graduated from elementary, high school and university and established my own family. I visited the Republic of Macedonia, then a part of Yugoslavia, in 1961 so that I could see my father. He worked in Belimbegovo and lived in a small room 3 by 2.5 meters, had an iron bed, two blankets, a small wood stove, a table made of rough boards and one chair. I recognized him when I saw him but he did not recognize me. I went for a visit a second time after the Skopje earthquake and took my father with me to Poland.
So I, a former shepherd from German, known as Kole to some and Nikola to others, moved to Skopje in the summer of 1964 with my entire family and became a Skopje resident. With a degree in civil engineering I was able to get a job in the Directorate for Reconstruction and carry on with the reconstruction of various buildings in Skopje, including the University Library, the Archives of the Macedonian Institute for History, the Theatre for Nationalities, the Museum of Contemporary Art, the Museum Complex of Macedonia and other buildings ... And that’s the road I took...” concluded the man.
The man tucked his fingers in his hands for a moment and then spoke again, softly:
“I have built and restored many houses… Now, sitting here, I ask myself, “Will the government allow me and will God help me restore my father’s house?...”
The man hunched his shoulders, took a long sad look and with his pupils blurred and a broken voice said:
“I have built a house in Dolno Dupeni for the sole reason of being closer to German. Earlier, in my younger years, I often went up there and from there, from Tsutse, I watched our house with a telescope. Now I go to Sveti Ilija and from there, from the hill I watch the level plains. After August 15th, every year this part of Prespa is full of sounds, singing, fun and serious music. During those days the road leading to Sveti Ail is full of traffic, passenger cars, buses and luxury limousines. The Sveti Ail Island, for an entire week, holds concerts in the remnants of King Samoil’s Cathedral. This is not a local event and the concerts are not about what happened in Prespa between August 13th and 15th, 1949. Every year at the same time passenger cars, buses and cars with government plates, accompanied by security men arrive here. Do you know who and what lies in this plain and under the asphalt between Rabi and Kula-Peroo and from Peroo to the parking lot at the entrance of Sveti Ail?
While the concerts are taking place and cars and buses arrive and leave Sveti Ail, I go to Sveti Ilija, to the hill where the small Prespa Lake lies, to the surrounding mountains and to the Prespa Plains and light candles. I light candles to honour those who, sixty years ago, gave their lives and left their souls here for eternity. And as the candlelight flickers I stare at the plain motionless, thinking of the noises made by the flying aircraft, the explosions made by the bombs and grenades, the whistling of flying bullets, the smell of napalm, the cries of the hundreds being beaten from heaven and from earth, run over and crushed by tanks, running, trying to save themselves with all their strength, running in this last small bit of land by the lake with hopes of pulling a long straw that would save their life… I then cross myself and whisper: “Athenians, slowly, steadily, quietly... quietly, steadily...
A while ago a relative of mine who lives in Lerin brought me a book entitled “History of the Greek Civil War”. It was an interesting read. On page 533 it says that in the space around the intersection in front of the village Rabi to the bridge at Kula-Peroo, a length of 5 and width of 2 kilometres, the Greek Military Air force dropped 34 bombs weighing 250 kilograms, 530 bombs weighing 125 kilograms, 1,900 bombs weighing 10 kilograms, 70 napalm bombs, 620 rockets, 26,000, grenades 20mm and 43,000 machine gun bullets 12.7 to 7.7 mm, all this in the course of August 13th to August 15th.
The author of the book did not specify how much iron and lead was dropped on the 5 by 2 kilometre (or 10 square kilometre) area nor did he specify how much more was added by the artillery, tanks, mortars and infantry. Little or a lot, is a matter of personal judgement. As to how much iron, lead and fire fell on the heads of the wounded and maimed Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) Units and on the large civilian population that passed through here, only they know and can tell you! But let me remind you that they were innocent and helpless people, these were our people who felt this pain in this unprecedented attack that took place around Peroo! These were our people who were rushing to find salvation in this small peninsula which the enemy dubbed “Africa”!
The author says that eighty percent of those who entered this open space were killed. This was not a battleground. This was a slaughterhouse. Again a little or a lot, is a matter of personal judgement, as to the amount of iron and lead dropped on the heads of powerless people. A little or a lot are those lost, whose bones lie in the mass graves in the area between the intersection in front of the village Rabi and the Kula-Peroo bridge and in the area between the Large Lake Prespa coast and the sands and reeds of Small Lake Prespa?
On page 620 in the book “Anti-Bandit Struggle 1945-1949”, General Zafiropoulos wrote the following praise about the Greek Air Force:
«Η φιλια Αεροπορια απο της εω ενεσπειρε τον τρομον και την καταστροφην εις την περιοχην του Λαιμου.» (The friendly air force, from morning until night, sowed terror and catastrophe in the region around Rabi.)
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We quietly and silently travelled the road from Rabi to Kula-Peroo at the slowest speed our SAHO could roll. The road was straight as an arrow and travelled at the centre of the flat plain lying between the two Prespa lakes. On the left was the long coastline of the small lake with its tall reeds waving. On the right was the long coastline of the large lake with its thick willow groves. This is the bloody killing field of which Kole spoke to us a while ago.
A bus caught up to us and began to honk its horn. It appeared that the driver was in a hurry. I could see in my rear view mirror that he was getting angry and making threatening gestures with his fist. And judging by the movement of his lips, I could see that he was swearing at me. I did not speed up so he followed closely behind for a while and then passed, speeding away leaving behind a trail of thick smoke and smell of burned oil. I continued to drive as slowly as possible, attempting to imagine, in my thoughts at least, a small part of the bloody picture, of the horrors that took place here.
Saddled with the burden of this difficult time, I did not notice that we had left the flat plain of horror and were crossing the bridge where the two Prespa lakes come into contact. After crossing the bridge I greeted the soldiers, leisurely sitting on a bench in front of barrack, and then turned right taking the road to Ψαραδες (Psarades). That’s what was written on the traffic sign. I checked the old map, published by Chubovski, and found that Psarades (Fishermen) was the Greek name for the village Nivitsi. The uphill road was wide and led to the top of the lakeshore. There was a sharp turn in front of the Sveti Giorgi Church and to the right there was a wide parking lot with a great view of the eastern Prespa coastline which, to the north began in Asamati and to the south ended at top of the hill. In this view the mountains and villages rested in the palms of your hands and the lake below rested under your feet.
Excited by the beautiful scenery we decided to go and visit Nivitsi. The village is located on the lakeshore and is surrounded by rocks on which stunted oak trees grow. It has been said that, in the past, the people of Nivitsi lived off the “tsironi” (smelts, tiny fish) that they caught in the lake and sold to people in the most remote villages in Lerin and Kostur Regions. Unfortunately no one got rich from selling tsironi so today the people of Nivitsi stave off poverty with tourist money. By joining forces the people of Nivitsi built a hotel with a restaurant that offers famous Prespa carp and other local Prespa dishes. They also fixed up rooms in their old houses and now can accommodate paying guests. The hotel parking lot was full of buses. A well-established advertising campaign also brings them tourists from all over Greece.
But we did not come here for the hotel or for the famous carp. We came here because of a significant wartime event that took place in the Sveta Nedela (Golema Bogoroditsa) village church. The Second Congress of the People's Liberation Front was held here on March 25, 1949. It was here that resolutions were adopted to invite the Macedonian people to join the struggle (Greek Civil War) en masse. It was here that the Macedonian people were told and retold by the Greek Communists that they would allow them to create their own Macedonian state, unlike the Republic of Macedonia which was under Yugoslavia. But there was a condition, a catch. For that to happen, every able bodied Macedonian man and woman had to join the struggle. “All to arms – everything for victory,” read one slogan.
There were many slogans written especially in honour of Zahariadis, the so-called “greatest”, wisest and most respected son of Macedonia and then, a little later, no one wanted to believe that he was the “greatest” liar and cheat! But the leaders of NOF (National Liberation Front) and all those serving under him, believed and trusted him and that is why they all suffered and many died; because of those beliefs! Everything is known now!!! The entire nation suffered. The older people know and remember… but the younger generation did not want to listen. Now, hopefully, they learned from their mistakes.
We took the rarely used winding circular cobblestone path, now overgrown with grass, to Vronderon which, according to the old map, used to be called Grazhdeno in Macedonian. On the way there we passed a place where the village Piksos, known as Orovo in Macedonian, used to be. There is hardly anything left of Orovo now. The only building left standing is the church now hidden under the shade of a tall oak tree grove. While visiting Grazhdeno we had a great desire to visit the large cave which served as a hospital for the Partisans during the struggle. Wounded Partisans were treated there after the houses serving as a hospital in the villages Nivitsi, Orovo and Grazhdeno were bombed. We expected to find only ruins and empty space in Grazhdeno but, to our surprise, we found new houses and children running in the streets… but the language spoken was Albanian. We surmised that the Greek authorities had populated this village with farmer and pastoralist settlers, refugees from Albania. They spoke to us in Greek but between themselves they spoke Albanian. They said it was easier to understand each other if they spoke Albanian.
After our visit to the cave, the former Partisan hospital, which still has remnants of wooden beds placed in layers of three, we took the road to Pili, or Vineni as it is called in Macedonian. Vineni was the first village in Prespa Region to receive Asian colonists, who, after the Asia Minor disaster, following the Greek-Turkish war, were settled here. The Macedonians call these people Madzhiri. They are distinguishable from the indigenous people not only in speech but also in appearance. They have black hair, bony facial features, convex eyes and eagle noses. They call themselves Pontii, meaning former residents of a region situated above the shores of the Black Sea. During the struggle most of the Pontii fled to Lerin and resided in the city. Their abandoned houses were occupied by the so-called Democratic Provisional Government of Greece, which was established in December 1947 in the village Asamati located in Prespa Region in the Republic of Macedonia. Before the village entrance, to the left of the road we noticed a piece of plank nailed to an oak tree which read: “Σπηλια Ζαχιαριαδης” (Cave Zahariadis).
There is a narrow, uphill path leading to the cave and in front of the cave, under the wide canvas spread under the shade of the oak trees, the path turns left. There is another wooden sign with the same writing and about ten steps after that there are two connected rocks. Above the rocks there are old cracked oak trees growing with their roots stuck in the crevices of the rocks. Under the low hanging branches, facing west is an ugly, dark chill-giving, gaping hole; the cave entrance.
I turned on my battery powered lantern and carefully put my foot on the first step carved out of stone. There were three or four more steps like that going down and after I took the last one I was in total darkness… This, at one time, may have been a bear cave, but then, during the struggle (Greek Civil War), a brain came to live here. When the brain was here the cave was not a cave, it was a cabin. The floor was covered with smooth planks and hand woven carpets, believed to be gifts from Tito, given to Zahariadis in better days. To the left there was a large desk, a telephone apparatus and a radio transmitter. To the right there was a long table covered with a red cloth and chairs stacked in a pile. These were for the members of his immediate political and military leadership. There was a colour portrait of Stalin, a personal gift, hanging on the front wall. There was also electric lighting and heating.
This is where the brain of one side of the war resided, where political and military solutions were conceived and decisions were made. This is where the decision to attack Voden, Negush and Lerin was made. And this is where not a single bomb was dropped. Vineni and the cave were two places where the government air force did not drop a single bomb. In those days there were few who knew and were able to cross the road to find the cave. Today many come to visit it. The cave that once was a home to bears, bats and spiders and the seat of darkness and misfortune, is now a tourist attraction…
It was late evening when we set off for Sveti Ail Island following the pontoon bridge, recently constructed by the army. The most noticeable object in Sveti Ail was Tsar Samoil’s Cathedral which was constantly visited and photographed by many tourists. We did not want to miss out resting at the only and surprisingly wonderful hotel and restaurant with a large terrace overlooking the lake, so we decided to stay a while. Hosting this unusual establishment were the very kind Kosta and Vera. We were met with a bit of history at the entrance. There were wood and stone carvings of Tsar Samoil’s blinded warriors. Preserved in their suffering and tortured faces were signs of pride and dignity, compelling you to want to stop and, with a restrained breath, pay your respects.
The restaurant resembled an ethnological museum. Much of Prespa’s material culture had been painstakingly assembled and lovingly displayed. And while we lovingly observed all these exhibits with tremendous curiosity, our attention was caught by an announcement on the television that said Thessaloniki TV would be broadcasting a documentary entitled: “Πρεσπα η καρδια της Μακεδονιας” (Prespa the heart of Macedonia).
The camera lens captured the coastal reeds, the stillness of the lake water, the many flocks of various birds, Sveti Ail Island and the walls of the large, one time beautiful cathedral where Tsar Samoil and his warriors prayed. It captured the high stones and white lakeshore in which are preserved the cave churches and cells of monks and hermits. It captured the Sveta Bogoroditsa icon painted on a rock a hundred metres above the lake water. There was a lot of boasting and praising by the commentator about nature in Prespa but not a single word about its people. The documentary ended with pictures of houses, passenger cars and buses full of tourists crossing the bridge at Kula. They were delighted to be part of the beauty in this corner of God’s world as they left to return back to the south. The lake wind picked up the dust and the noise left behind and Prespa once again rested in silence.
We left Prespa and before we crossed over to the other side of Prevolot we stopped and looked, for a long time, at the ring of mountains with the beautiful lake in the centre. The lake looked like a mirror in which the sky, clouds, stars, moon, sunrise and sunset constantly reflected.
A deep sigh came out of our chests and with it the question: “Bogoroditse, whose portrait was painted on the rock and endured the cold and moisture, the beating of strong autumn rains and winter winds, the baking of the summer heat, why did you not protect us and keep us safe and away from harm? Why did you not raise Your hand against the hands of those who erased the people of Prespa from Prespa?...”
Prespa, a beautiful and peaceful place, cleansed, devastated, beaten, rinsed out, made desolate, cleaned out and left sad without its elders, the old men and women of Prespa…Leave a comment:
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It was one path to Albania that many Macedonians took to flee the region during the fight for liberation in the 1940's. Macedonians were taken in and fed and sheltered by Albanians in Albania. This is what my father advised me and I have no reason to doubt it. However I do not know much about the local history. Sorry.
Make it a pet project!Leave a comment:
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Check National Liberation War of Macedonia,:
"This first Partisan activity led to the creation of partisan detachments in other regions of Macedonia during 1942. Until the end of 1942 a total of nine partisan detachments were active in Vardar Macedonia and had control of mountainous territories around Prilep, Skopje, Kruševo and Veles, including one free territory in Prespa."
Free territory, Prespa. The National Liberation War was just the natural wishes of the population a repitition of Ilinden even after decades of Greek occupation. So yes there were revolts, wars against Ottoman, Serb, Greek and Bulgarian occupation, against the Greek KKE/ELAS leadership and national surrounding governments etc. The most siginificant problem was the lack of internal base and power to create a real autonomous Mass Uprising.
Now Makedonci units were fighting as far south as Athens so what are the natural borders of Greece?
What is the purpose of the map you posted? Those are political borders not natural borders.
This may be of interest also,:
ASNOM - Macedonia and its national liberation in 1944 - World War II - YouTube
Its odd though(maybe not? same forces at work?) the "Western" position on Macedonia-Balkans(even globally) now is almost identical to that of the Axis powers.Leave a comment:
Leave a comment: