Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[Soldier of Macedon]

And that is why those Greeks that claim such things are peanuts. Macedonians already have enough peanuts amongst their ranks, and, as I don't consider Stefov to be one of them, my only advice would be to cease writing this sort of thing. It isn't worthy of all the other great work he has done.

[osiris]

Suggesting we adopt a language not spoken by our people is very strange and exactly what the arvanovlachs did and not something I could agree with

[Vangelovski]

And that is why those Greeks that claim such things are peanuts. Macedonians already have enough peanuts amongst their ranks, and, as I don't consider Stefov to be one of them, my only advice would be to cease writing this sort of thing. It isn't worthy of all the other great work he has done.

I agree - using bad arguments and essentially lying doesn't make ones work accepted, it just makes it look plain bad. Besides, wouldn't claiming Koine as 'Macedonian' be effectively claiming ordinary Macedonians, not just Macedonian officials, spoke Greek? Isn't there an inherent contradiction there?

[TrueMacedonian]

Suggesting we adopt a language not spoken by our people is very strange and exactly what the arvanovlachs did and not something I could agree with

I agree Osiris. I don't agree with this article.

[George S.]

I have to agree with you guys if the greeks lie people beleive their lies if we lie then we are not going to be believed.If our enemies are lying why should we lie i know we are just fighting fire with fire & replicating it.

[George S.]

rom the Once Classified Files - Part 2

Here is Report 2

Balkan States - Report 2
February 1, 1945

Brigadier Maclean to Sir Orme Sargent

(No. 4)

With reference to my dispatch No.1 of the 6th of January regarding Macedonia, it may be of interest to recall the following sequence of events indicative of trends in Yugoslav, Bulgar, and Greek Macedonia in favour of incorporation in the new Macedonian federal unit of Yugoslavia.

2. On the 18th November the Greek Macedonian Brigade held its foundation ceremony at Bitolj to cries of “Give us the right to live within the framework of federal Yugoslavia.” Yugoslav partisan leaders appear to have attempted to moderate popular enthusiasm and Pasanko, representative of the Macedonian National Liberation Front, reminded his listeners that “this is a delicate diplomatic question in which the co-operation of our allies England, Russia, and America is essential.

3. The Greek Macedonian Brigade appears to have been formed partly of refugees resident in Bulgaria and partly from former adherents of E.A.M. who disagreed with E.A.M.’s minority policy. Keremediciev, Political Commissar of the new brigade, accused E.A.M. of harbouring certain elements who refused to accord the Greek Macedonians their cultural rights and own military formations. E.A.M. he added, finally issued instructions for the Macedonians to be disarmed and it was to avoid this that they crossed the border to Yugoslavia.

4. There they were probably joined by volunteers recruited from amongst Macedonian refugees previously living in Bulgaria. Yugoslav sources claim that there are some 700,000 of these refugees in Bulgaria, most of them having been transferred there as a result of agreements made after the last war for the exchange of population in the Balkans. The Yugoslav partisan newspaper Nova Makedonija for the 14th November, 1944, gave the following account of their present attitude: “These Macedonian refugees realize that the independence and liberation of the Greek part of Macedonia depends not a little on its direct participation in the operations against the German Fascists. Committees are therefore being formed in every village and town in Bulgaria where Macedonians are living. It is to be expected that the response to volunteering will assume very large proportions and will include all those able to bear arms, and that whole units will be formed from the refugees alone.”

5. On the 3rd December another meeting was held in Bitolj to elect “a Political Commission to lead the fight of the Macedonian people in Greek Macedonia.” The commission appointed Filip Velkov as its representative to the Presidium of A.S.N.O.M. (i.e. the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia) and J.A.N.L., H.Q., for Macedonia. At the second session of A.S.N.O.M. held at the end of December Velkov stated: “We Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia have a grim struggle before us to realize the age-old ideal of our people, the liberation of our part of Macedonia which is still beneath a foreign yoke.” At the same session of A.S.N.O.M., Atanas Atanasovski spoke in the name of the Bulgarian Macedonians. “The entire population of Pirin Macedonia,” he asserted, “is waiting for the happy hour when we shall be included with our brothers in Macedonia in Tito’s democratic, federal Yugoslavia.”

6. These claims for union between the Macedonian population of Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece had already been advanced some weeks previously by authoritative Yugoslav partisan leaders, such as General Dzilas, General Tempo and Dimitar Vlahov. Though some of the more categorical of these claims may have been made in a burst of momentary exuberance, it is worth while examining the career of the most experienced of these politicians, Vlahov, for indications as to the more permanent aims and principles determining their policy.

7. Dimitar Vlahov was born in Kilkis in Greek Macedonia in 1878, and joined the original I.M.R.O. as early as 1903, collaborating closely with the famous Macedonian leader Goce Delcev. In 1908 he was elected to the Turkish Parliament as a deputy of the Popular Federal party, whose object was to work constitutionally for an autonomous Macedonia. In 1907, after Macedonia had been annexed by Bulgaria, Vlahov became Governor of the Pristina district and after the Great War, served as Bulgarian Consul-General first in Odessa and then in Vienna. In 1924 he signed the Aleksandrov-Protogerov manifesto which attempted to patch up a truce between the rival I.M.R.O. leaders and he was repudiated by the Bulgarian Government. Disapproving of the terrorist methods of I.M.R.O. which was now falling increasingly under the domination of Ivan Mihajlov and degenerating into the tool of Bulgarian and Italian designs of disruption in the Balkans, Vlahov founded his own organization, the United (Obidinena) I.M.R.O., in 1925, and expounded his ideas in his well known book “Balkan Federation”. Vlahov looked neither to Bulgaria nor to Yugoslavia (which was then pursuing a policy of rigid centralism) but to the Soviet Union, with whose support he hoped to achieve a union of the South Slav peoples in which Macedonia would form a separate, autonomous federal unit. Though Vlahov still continued to lay great stress on non-violent methods for the achievement of his aims, his organization was broken up by the Government of the Military League in Bulgarian in 1934, and its members sentenced to long terms of imprisonment on a charge of Communist conspiracy and planning of an armed revolt. Vlahov himself settled in Moscow in 1936 and appears to have remained there until returning to Yugoslavia at some point to join the partisans. Observant readers have been able to secure an interesting side light on his activity in Moscow from an article in a recent partisan newspaper which wrote that Vlahov had “liven in Moscow, where he worked tirelessly in the International Agrarian Institute” – the latter phrase being substituted for the blocked-out but still legible word “Comintern”.

8. Although the energy with which the authorities appear to have quelled the anxiety of certain of their troops to march on Salonica (see my telegram No.63 of the 16th January) bears out Tito’s repented assurances that he intends to take no premature action over the Macedonia problem, there is every reason to suppose that it is his intention to unite in due course the Macedonian provinces of Greece and Bulgaria to Yugoslav Macedonia, and that this project has the approval of the Soviet Union. Dr. Smodlaka has stated that the Bulgarian Government (no doubt under pressure from Moscow) have already agreed to cede Bulgarian Macedonia (see my telegram No.88 of the 21st January). The Greek attitude towards this problem must be regarded as less assured and will doubtless depend on the eventual complexion of the Greek Government, although, as will be seen by my telegram No.2 of the 7th December, even E.A.M. do not appear to have proved quite as amenable on this question as Tito would have wished. It is however, difficult to see how Greece, whatever her attitude, would be able successfully to resist the wishes in this matter of an overwhelmingly strong South Slav bloc under Soviet tutelage.

F. H. R. MACLEAN, Brigadier, British Military Mission. Belgrade, 21st, January, 1945.

[George S.]

declassified files are very interesting things to read

Balkan States – Report 3
January 29th, 1945

Brigadier Maclean to Sir Orme Sargent

I TRANSMIT herewith a report on Macedonia. F. MACLEAN

British Military Mission, Belgrade, 7th January, 1945.

Enclosure. Report No. 1.

1. Now that some time has elapsed since enemy forces evacuated Macedonia, an attempt can be made to asses the extent to which the Partisans have been able to implement their policy of creating a Macedonian federal unit. Although the Partisans are somewhat prone to discuss the problem as “solved” by the mere proclamation of Macedonia’s autonomy, it is clear that a real solution can only be achieved through a long process of educational, administrative and economic reconstruction.

2. It will be recalled that provision was made for full Macedonian autonomy by a decree passed at the Second Session of A.V.N.O.J. at Jaice in November 1943. By this decree Macedonia was accorded a status equal in all respects to that of Serbia, Montenegro, Croatia and Slovenia in the new federal Yugoslavia. The first step towards carrying this autonomy into effect was taken by the formation of the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the Liberation of Macedonia (A.S.N.O.M.) as the acting federal authority.

3. It appears, however, that there is to be a considerable difference in the degree of autonomy which the Partisans intend to allow in the various spheres of Macedonian national life. In cultural matters Macedonia is to be accorded immediate and complete autonomy; in political and administrative matters as much autonomy as can be digested; in economic life there are so far few signs of autonomy and, indeed, in opposite policy of centralized state control may well be introduced.

4. Macedonia’s cultural autonomy is finding its immediate expression in the official stimulus given to the “Macedonian language.” The later has hitherto been generally denied existence and has been claimed as a Serb or a Bulgar dialect according to the national prejudices of rival philosophies. Nova Makedonija and other papers are now regularly published in the Macedonian language and a place of special honour given to Macedonian poems and songs.

5. Special efforts are also been made to educate and develop the most backward sections of the population. The Anti-Fascist Women’s Front is reported to be receiving a special response from amongst the Macedonian women, and the backward Turkish minority is being courted by solemn celebration of the Feast of Bajram, by Moslem rallies held in Skopje and by frequent favourable publicity in the press.

6. The right to political and administrative autonomy is being more differently applied. In the first place, this right is by no means universally recognized by the other Yugoslav peoples, especially the Serbs in who the old great Serb conviction that there is no Macedonia but only a “southern Serbia” is still strong. Significant confirmation of this was recently afforded by an article published in Borba criticizing a meeting of educationalists at Nis who acquiesced in a statement made by one speaker to the effect that Macedonia was “just a part of Greater Serbia.” The article went on to complain that at another meeting of the Women’s Anti-Fascist Front, also held at Nis, a delegate from Macedonia was denied the much publicized right of making a speech in her own language.

7. If the Serbs are slow to admit the right of the Macedonians to equal partnership in the Yugoslav State, the Macedonians for their part, are not quick to forgive the Serbs for exploiting their former hegemony. Macedonia was generally regarded in pre-war Yugoslavia as a colony – a sort of south Slav Siberia to which corrupt, inefficient or recalcitrant civil servants were relegated. Their task in Macedonia was less to promote the well-being of the population than to propagate the Great Serb creed. The Macedonians are now to provide their own administrators. Although local government by the committee or “odbor” system reduces the number of officials required, it would seem that a shortage of experienced Macedonian civil servants must be felt for some time to come.

8. Perhaps more resented by the Macedonian people than the old Serbian officials were the Serbian colonists settled by Government grant on Macedonian soil. The great Serbian outlook of these colonists, together with the economic privileges they enjoyed, led to considerable ill-feeling among the Macedonian population. That this ill-feeling has not yet been wholly dissipated has been confidentially admitted by Father Vlada Zecevic, Commissar for the Interior in the National Committee, who has recently returned from a visit to Macedonia. Father Zecevic states that a redistribution of land, by which it is hoped to satisfy the needs of the poorer Macedonian peasantry without entirely dispossessing the Serb settlers, is being now carried through and is inevitably giving rise to some cases of personal resentment.

9. In the meantime economic conditions in Macedonia remain confused, as has been reported by my No. 791 of the 29th December quoting a report received from my mission there; “the economic situation here is bad largely through lack of transport and inefficiency. There is sufficient food in Macedonia but distribution problems are acute. The foregoing is probably the reason for the re-election of a new ministerial council of A.S.N.O.M., which is to take place on the 28th December.” The immediate implications of autonomy in the economic field cannot therefore be regarded as an unmixed blessing, and apart from this adjustment of claims between Serb settlers and poor Macedonian peasants it seems doubtful whether the Partisans will attempt a more extensive application of the principle. Indeed, the special character of Macedonian economy suggests an opposite tendency towards State centralism. In addition to opium and cotton cultivation, both of great potential value if wisely fostered by the State, the chief Macedonian crop is tobacco. This furnishes a valuable source of income to the State, who bought it through a monopoly from the peasant cultivators at fixed low prices. The State, however, played no part in organizing or improving cultivation, though the peasant could have been greatly assisted through expert advice in methods of cultivation, model plantations, financial help, co-operatives, &c. State assistance along these lines maybe expected to yield considerable economic results, and if Partisan controlled Yugoslavia is to attempt any promising experiment in agricultural collectivization it may well be in the tobacco fields in Macedonia.

10. That the path of Macedonian autonomy is still beset with thorny problems, both in the sphere of external and internal affairs, is suggested by Marshal Tito’s decision, already reported by telegram, to send his right-hand man Kardelj to attend the Second Session of A.S.N.O.M. held on the 28th of December, 1944. In his speech to the Assembly Kardelj congratulated the Macedonians on their newly won autonomy, but went on to warn them against becoming “giddy with success.” Their enemies, he asserted, were still active and the independence of small Powers was constantly threatened. “Vigilance was all the more necessary as, unfortunately, every-day experience showed that solemn undertakings not to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries” – and here Kardelj made a veil reference to events in Greece – “were in practice only treated as scraps of paper.” Macedonia’s enemies, he continued, were “the Great Bulgarian, Great Albanian, Great Serbian and Greek chauvinists” and their supporters abroad. Equally pernicious were the opposite tendencies towards separatism. Macedonia could only flourish, Kardelj concluded, within the framework of the new federal democratic Yugoslavia.

11. A similar creed was expressed by other speakers at the Assembly, notably by General Tempo-Vukmanovic, who asserted: “We have gained a victory in the field of battle and must now gain it on the field of politics. The danger which threatens to destroy the achievements of our great struggle lies in the efforts made to stir up chauvinism and separatism.” Tempo went on to stress the need for free and democratic elections by secret ballot and affirmed: “We did not fear to give arms to the people – still less shall we fear to give the people the vote.” Thus the official line taken by the Partisan speakers was the avoidance of any territorial claims or suggestion of any eventual South Slav federation and affirmation of a conciliatory and moderate policy of full democracy. These discrete utterances were in contrast with the wild polemics and even wilder territorial claims advanced by General Tempo and Dr. Vlahov in November on the subject which, under instructions from the foreign office, I made strong representations to Marshal Tito.

12. From this and from the various conversations which I have had with him on the subject of Macedonia, there can be little doubt that Tito fully realizes the delicate nature of the internal and external problems involved, and there is every indication that, for the present at any rate, he intends to tread cautiously. What future plans he (or possibly Moscow) has for this traditionally explosive region remains to be seen. He has always told me that he does not intend to prosecute any territorial claims he may have in this region before the Peace Conference, and that in the case of any disputed region he would be prepared to be guided by the results of a plebiscite. In the case of the ethnological patchwork of the Kosovo Polje he has on occasion mentioned the possibility of moving what is left of the Arnaut population, whose loyalty to the Germans was unshaken to the end, to Albania on bloc. The first speeches made by Tempo and Vlahov after the liberation of Macedonia referred to above show that at any rate some leading Macedonians would like to see the present frontiers of Macedonia extended at the expense of Greece and Bulgaria.

13. A possible solution to these problems would, of course, be the creation of a Federal State comprising Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, and even possibly Greece and Albania, with which the frontier of the ideal Macedonia could be firmly established, if not by mutual agreements, then by an over-ruling decision of the Central Federal Authority. On the other hand, even if no Balkan or South Slav Federation should be created it seems likely that, in view of the similarity of outlook of the regimes which either have or eventually will be set up in all these countries, the task of reaching, or if necessary imposing, settlement will present little difficulty.

F. MACLEAN., 6th January, 1945.

[George S.]

Balkan States – Report 4

Here is Balkan States – Report 4

Balkan States – Report 4
April 27th, 1945

Mr. Stevenson to Mr. Eden
Belgrade, 13th April, 1945.

(No. 44.)

Sir,

I HAVE the honour to report that two members of my staff recently had a long conversation with M. Emanuel Cuckov, the Minister for Macedonia. Mr. Cuckov was very friendly and appeared anxious to give all possible information.

2. He opened the conversation by saying how important it was that Allies should understand the situation in Macedonia and should realise that the Macedonians regard themselves as a separate people. What he meant by that statement was not clear, but he later said that Macedonia was very satisfied with her federal status inside the Yugoslav State and explained that the federal idea was not a new one to Macedonians, who had previously envisaged obtaining a measure of autonomy as a federal unit in a South Slav federation. From everything he said it emerged that the Macedonians have very concrete ideas on the measure of autonomy offered by their present federal status. In internal matters they seem to regard themselves as being entitled to operate almost entirely independently of the rest of the Yugoslav State. From other remarks which I have heard from prominent Yugoslavs recently, it seems possible that this tendency towards excessive independence on the part of Macedonia is causing the Central Government a certain amount of concern.

3. On being asked about the new administrative districts which have recently been set up in Macedonia, M. Cuckov said that he was not expert on this question but that he understood that these new divisions were essentially the same as they had been before 1941. They had, however, been somewhat improved and under one administrative centre were now included all villages and districts which were bound geographically to that centre. Before 1941 the divisions bad been Some what- arbitrary and areas whose market produce naturally went to one town had been often included in the administrative district of another. This had led to much inefficiency and had caused the peasants great difficulty. The frontier between Macedonia and Serbia was the historical one, i.e., a line running east to west just north of Kumanovo and south of Kacanik. I enclose as an appendix 1.0 the dispatch a list and a map (map not printed) of the new administrative areas in Macedonia.

4. M. Cuckov then spoke about agriculture. He said that attempts had been made before 1941 to encourage wheat growing in Macedonia. The son, however, had not lent itself to this and the intention of the Macedonian Government was henceforward to concentrate on the cultivation of rice, sesame, opium and tobacco, all or which could easily be grown. Macedonia had never had many factories, but it was the intention of the Macedonian Government to remedy this and to encourage industrial enterprise for the processing of commodities grown inside the Macedonian frontiers. The main industrial enterprises before the war such as the Allatini and Radusa chrome and lead mines near Stip, had not suffered much damage and were more or less ready to resume work.

5. As regards reconstruction, the Federal Government of Macedonia had- immediately after the evacuation of the Germans on their own initiative set to work to repair runways and roads. This reconstruction had been financed by the Macedonian Government itself without assistance from the Central Government. This was due mainly to the fact that the dinar had no value in Macedonia and though the Central Government had set money aside for Macedonian reconstruction it still remained in Belgrade. He believed that all roads were already repaired and the runway from Belgrade to Veles was open. From Veles to Djevdjelija the Germans had completely destroyed the runway during their withdrawal and it would take some time to repair. The runway to the Greek frontier through Bitolj was, he thought, however, very nearly fit for traffic.

6. On being asked whether the Serb colonists would be free to return to Macedonia he said, somewhat platitudiuously, that all Yugoslavs would naturally be free to come to Macedonia if they wished. As regards officials, he said, however, that the question of whether they return to their old jobs depended entirely on the Macedonian Government and not on the Central Government. The Macedonian Government were anxious that as far as possible the official positions should be fled by Macedonians and, provided that there were men to fill the posts, it was, therefore, unlikely that the Macedonian authorities would be ready to take back the old officials. For example, before 1943 the police had been almost entirely Serbian and the police chiefs had been Serbs. Now the militia who had taken their place were Macedonians and it was natural that the head of the militia should be Macedonian as well.

7. As regards the redistribution of land, he pointed out that before 1941 it had been easy for the Serbs to buy land in Macedonia, and as a result the Macedonians, for whom the purchase of land had not been easy, had been driven out of the more fertile parts of the country. He indicated that there would be as far as possible a redistribution in favour of the Macedonians and that Serbian colonists would if possible be sent back Serbia: Thirty per cent of the Banat had been owned and cultivated by Germans and here the population had been only ninety to every square kilometer of cultivable land, whereas in Macedonia it was 350. He thought that the Serbs from Macedonia could be moved to take the place of the Germans in the Banat.

8. He then spoke about the Church and Stated that before the war one of the main attempts to Serbianise Macedonia had been made through that medium. Nearly all the priests had been Serbs and this had been very unpopular with the Macedonians, who were extremely Nationalistic and would only recognise a Church run by themselves with Macedonian priests. He believed that the solution lay in a federal Yugoslav Church. Whereas previously the Orthodox Church had been a Serbian Church with tentacles in Macedonia, Bosnia and other parts of Yugoslavia, he hoped to see separate Orthodox Churches in each of the federal units which each in turn owed allegiance to a central Yugoslav Patriarchate. If such an arrangement could not be sanctioned by the Orthodox Church he felt that the Macedonian Church would be forced to carry on schismatically as the Bulgarian Church had previously done for some seventy years. He then attacked the Metropolitan Joseph of Skopje, who, he said, had during the war been associated with Trbic, the Cetnik leader in Macedonia, and had continuously been opposed to the partisans. He considered him a time-server who was unfit to stand as deputy for the Metropolitan Gavrilo whom everyone admired. The Metropolitan Joseph was also a Serb and though it might only be an internal affair of the Orthodox Church that he should call himself the Metropolitan of Skopje, it had aroused the anger of all Macedonians when he recently went to Moscow in that capacity and apparently representing the Macedonian Church. He pointed out that the Macedonian Church Assembly had sent greetings to the Holy Synod, whose authority they recognised, but not to the Metropolitan Joseph. It seems possible that the recent visit of the Metropolitan to Moscow may have been the reason for bringing to a head the Macedonian demand for a separate Church.

9. The recent elections had been a great success and had aroused widespread interest. In nearly all districts over 90 per cent of the electorate had polled. He believed that everyone over 21, except those accused of collaboration, had been allowed to vote and, in addition to this, those under that age who had fought in the Yugoslav army of National Liberation. Candidates had been chosen freely by the people and he gave an example a town of 10,000 inhabitants. This might be divided into four districts, each of five streets. Each street would at a public meeting choose two members, and a district meeting would then be held and those of the candidates who had anything against them would then be ruled out. All those who were approved as candidates would then stand for election and election was by secret ballot. No suasions had been used either by the police or by the army during the elections.

10. Opposition to the present regime in Macedonia was very slight. The Cetnik problem had never been serious and the few who had fought in the Macedonia had a long time ago gone north into Serbia. The Albanian bands who had at one point been a fairly serious menace had only been bandits, whose object was to profit from the general disorder, and at the time of the German withdrawal had impartially attacked both Germans and Partisans. These had nearly all departed – some going north with the Germans and others taking refuge in the mountains of the Kosovo.

11. A Court of National Honour was now in operation in Macedonia, but he did not know any details. He said that the number of Macedonian civilians executed for crimes under the occupation and after the liberation had been small, and gave the figure of seventy. The main crimes had been material and cultural collaboration, spying, informing, &c., and he also mentioned that four men had recently been condemned to death for speculation. Naturally after the collapse of the Germans a number of opponents had been caught under arms and had been shot out of hand, and he mentioned a group of some forty Albanians captured near Skopje.

12. Macedonia had no problems with Albania and he thought there was no question of any change in frontiers.

13. As regards the Bulgarians, he was non-committal. At the time of Yugoslavia's collapse in 1941, however, the Macedonian people, who had been striving for autonomy for a long time, had felt that the chances were remote without outside help. They therefore welcomed the Bulgarians and thought they intended to set up an independent Macedonia. Few Macedonians, however, desired to be under Bulgarian domination, and when their hopes of independence were deceived the Bulgarians became more and more unpopular and many Macedonian patriots like himself took to the woods.

14. When questioned about Greece he said that Macedonia, being a part of the Yugoslav federation, had no separate foreign relations. The Macedonians realised that the main task for the moment was to beat the enemy and to allow no other considerations to come between them and that end. They therefore did not desire to embarrass in any way the Allies, and were determined not to create any trouble by meddling in Greek affairs. He added, however, that 70 per cent of the population of Greek Macedonia was Macedonian and they were being badly treated. He felt there were many problems to be settled with Greece, but these could wait until alter the war.

15. I am sending copies of this dispatch to the Resident Minister at Caserta, to His Majesty's Ambassador in Athens and to His Majesty's political representatives at Sofia and Debrecen.

I have, &c. R. C. SKRINE STEVENSON.

Enclosure

The Administrative Divisions of Macedonia

By a decree of the Anti-Fascist Skupstina of National Liberation of Macedonia, published on the 13th February, 1945, Macedonia was divided for administrative purposes into eight Okrugs as follows:-

(1) Skoplje, consisting of the areas of Tetovo, Gostivar and Rostusa.
(2) Kumanovo, consisting of the area of Kumanovo, Kratovo and Kriva Palanka.
(3) Stip, consisting of the area of Stip, Kocane, Carevo Selo and Radovis.
(4) Strumica, consisting of the area of Strumica, Berovo, Valandovo and Djevdjelija.
(5) Veles, consisting of the area of Veles, St. Nikola, Negotin and Kavadar.
(6) Prilep, consisting of the area of Prilep, Brod, Krusevo and Kicevo.
(7) Bitolj, consisting of the area of Bitolj, Resen and Morihovo.
(8) Ohrid, consisting of the area of Ohrid, Struga and Debar.

[George S.]

Not another BIG Greek Lie?

Not another BIG Greek Lie?



Risto the Great from the well known Macedonian website www.macedoniantruth.org wrote:



Most of these provocations are based on the rights that Greeks feel they have after Macedonian politicians decided negotiations were necessary. Since then, Macedonian politicians have been encouraging this kind of persecution of Macedonians due to their continued desire to negotiate the Macedonian identity.



Risto The Great





Mactruth wrote:



A name change by the past NATO summit or veto was forceful blackmail into changing Republic of Macedonia's name and Macedonians' ethnicity. After Greece's NATO veto on Macedonia, Greece still tries to force Macedonia into a name change through economic means and intimidation. The following point out Greece's "good neighborly relations" with Macedonia;

More found here:http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=2204957887&v=info

56) Greek protest the use of Macedonia's constitutional name in Eurovision, hosted by Germany http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/17435/45/
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55) Greek government states they have drawn a "red line" on the name issue and again confirm they have and will continue to "veto" Macedonia until the Republic submits to its demands

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/17448/2/

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54) Macedonian historians find a document from 1954 where Greek government urges officials from Lerin to replace the word: "Macedonian" with "Greek"... 50 years later they state their were/is no Macedonian minority

http://guru.mk/vesti-mk/vest/makedon...donskiot-jazik

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53) Greece pressures Slovenia into banning Macedonian wine because it states "Macedonia"

http://sitel.com.mk/video/biznis/slo...anje-na-grcija

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52) Macedonian tourists in Greece are terrorized simply because of their identity

http://www.vest.com.mk/?ItemID=A9FBB...09426BA80F2CFB

Note: This is done by a political group called "Golden Dawn", which has done racist Nazi acts towards the Macedonians in the past. The Greek government does nothing to make sure it doesn't happen again.
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51) Greek government campaign to prevent Macedonian gatherings in Northern Greece

http://www.kanal5.com.mk/default.asp...&eventId=63133

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50) Greece blocks Macedonian media from entering Greece to film Ilinden celebrations in Northern Greece

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/16094/2/

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49) Greek-American organizations condemn recent State Department article on Macedonia entitled "Skopje Ancient Macedonia builds modern democracy"
The Article: http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/138927.pdf
Greek response: http://ahepa.org/dotnetnuke/News/New...blication.aspx
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48) Greek Tour Operators have sent a demand to their Serbian counterparts that they would be able to sell Greece only if they are not selling Ohrid.

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/13582/1/

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47) Greek political party L.A.O.S. puts up posters stating: "NO to SKOPJANS & TURKS"

http://on.net.mk/WBStorage/Articles/...45C009D5EF.jpg

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46) Greek bishop denies Macedonians while talking about Easter

http://sitel.com.mk/video/makedonija...-i-na-veligden

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45) Greek ambassador lies stating the Greek Army chant was an isolated incident

http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?v...lId=2&pmId=501

Note: keep in mind Greek politicians attended the service and applauded the Greek Army, also the Greek crowd applauded the Army
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44) The Greek Army chants "The skin of people of Skopje will make new clothes and blood will flow from Albanian pigs"

http://translate.google.com/translat...2DD06063CB81F7

Ironic considering Albanians and Macedonians helped Greece during their independence
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43) Greek Helsinki Monitor is again attacked by the Greek government

http://cm.greekhelsinki.gr/uploads/2...hm_english.doc

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42) Greece states the Macedonian language should be called "Makedonski" only
http://translate.googleusercontent.c...H8SXFgl9z-AtgQ
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41) Greece tries to remove Macedonian wines from Germany, simply because of its name

http://translate.google.com/translat...F6&sl=mk&tl=en

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40) Greeks threaten Macedonian activists


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39) President Ivanov states Greece is trying to blackmail Macedonia by using force

http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?m...S+-+NEWSLETTER

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38) Ex-Bulgarian President states the "name issue" is created by Greece and is shameful

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/11903/2/

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37) Greece Expropriating Land in Lerin, an area within Greece with a large Macedonian minority

http://micnews.com.mk/node/20626

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36) Documents are found showing Greece has been paying Macedonian politicians and journalists, as well as newspapers and Greek journalists to promote anti-Macedonian agenda

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/10962/2/

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/11083/45/

============================================
35) Greece forces EU to "defer" the decision to begin membership talks with Macedonia

http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?vId=69768741&lId=2

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34) Secret documents of discussions between Dora the Explorer and Milososki before the NATO veto reveal Greece wants the name of the identity and language of Macedonian changed to ''Makedonski'' in Cyrillic only, states the history of Macedonia is problematic and should not be a focus of negotiations, and does NOT want Macedonia to change its constitutional name

http://www.ethnos.gr/article.asp?cat...&pubid=8742863

http://translate.google.com/translat...63&sl=el&tl=en

NOTE: THE ISSUE IS OUR IDENTITY, WAKE UP!
============================================
33) Greece holding the Macedonian water polo team because it has "MKD" and Macedonia on its outfits

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/10557/1/

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32) Greece trying to force the Macedonian water polo team to wear different robes

http://novamakedonija.com.mk/NewsDet...tIzdanie=21853

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31) Papoulias of Greece states Macedonia will pay for the "monopolization" of "Macedonian" as a peoples' nationality and language, and of "Macedonia" as their country

http://www.a1.com.mk/vesti/default.aspx?VestID=116716

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30) Greece threatens Iceland's EU entry due to the Macedonia documentary "A name is a name"

http://www.mhrmi.org/news/2009/november23_e.asp

http://kanal5.com.mk/default.aspx?mI...&eventId=55364

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29) Greece deepens criteria, trying to force the inclusion to change the Macedonian nationality to "Northern Macedonian"
http://turkeymacedonia.wordpress.com...olution-sours/ ============================================
28) Greece threatens EU veto if Macedonia does not change its name, after Macedonia was allowed to start EU membership negotiations

http://english.cri.cn/6966/2009/10/15/2001s522837.htm#

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27) Human rights defender refused entry into Greece, with no apparent reason

http://cm.greekhelsinki.gr/index.php?sec=194&cid=3459

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26) Hellenic Post, owned by the Greek government, sabotage Macedonian minority election campaign by purposely failing to mail promotional materials across Northern Greece

http://www.makfax.com.mk/en-us/Details.aspx?itemID=5982

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25) Greek Professor under attack for accepting 'Macedonia' dissertation

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/6400/1/

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24) Greece rejects creating a Macedonian and Greek "Joint Education and History committee", which would be responsible for ending the name issue

http://balkaninsight.com/en/main/news/17473/

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23) Dora the Explorer states there is no Macedonian minority in Greece after a UN report exposes discrimination of Greece's Macedonian minority

http://www.skopjediem.com/index.php?...news&Itemid=81

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22) Greek FM Dora the Explorer admits the decision to veto at Bucharest had been passed prior to the summer of 2007

http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?v...Id=2&pageNum=2

Note: Dora the Explorer states to not focus on the past and look towards the future, yet the "name issue" itself focuses on the past
============================================
21) Greek bloggers come to Macedonia to accuse the Macedonian government of silencing a pro-Greek citizen, only to have the police called on them by "Vasko"s mother, who states the family enrolled him into a mental institution

http://balkaninsight.com/en/main/news/16818/

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20) Macedonian man jailed for 4 months because he recorded a cousins Macedonian wedding in Greece

http://a1.com.mk/vesti/default.aspx?VestID=104376

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19) Greek lobby causes EuroControl to pressure Macedonian Airlines to change name of Company

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/5512/1/

Note: What does ethnicity have to do with the name issue?
============================================
18) Greece threatens Croatia with a EU veto because it has recognized the Macedonian minority and church as "Macedonian"

http://www.mia.com.mk/default.aspx?vId=61320877&lId=2

Note: What does ethnicity have to do with the name issue? ============================================
17) Greek Helsinki Monitor member faces "high treason" for discussing the Macedonian minority in Greece

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/3525/46/

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16) Greece continues to harass Greek Helsinki Monitor, which is conducting studies of the Macedonian minority in Greece

http://cm.greekhelsinki.gr/index.php?sec=194&cid=3336

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15) Greek objections after Indiana Jones calls Republic of Macedonia as "Macedonia" http://www.balkantravellers.com/en/read/article/590
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14) Greece wiretaps a conversation between Rainbow party and USA

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/1990/1/

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13) Greek journalist labels Macedonia as a "cancer" which must be exterminated

http://www.europeus.org/archive/2008...in-europe.html

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11) Greece lies to their people again by stating DR Congo has reverted its recognition back to "FYROM," DR Congo officials rebuffed these claims.

http://balkaninsight.com/en/main/news/14279/

============================================
10) Greece arrests Macedonian journalists reporting the Macedonian minority incident, nullifying freedom of press

http://www.ifj.org/en/articles/ifj-c...-journalists-2

http://www.balkanalysis.com/2008/10/...new-questions/

============================================
9) Greece tries intimidating the Macedonian minority of Greece by conducting "military exercises" in Macedonian villages and arresting those who resist

http://www.eurolang.net/index.php?op...emid=1&lang=en

http://www.florina.org/news/2008/october14_e.asp

============================================
8) Greek Olympic committee protests over Macedonia name entry: The Beijing Olympic committee recognized Macedonia's Olympic entry simply as "Macedonia"

http://www.reuters.com/article/GCA-O...63721220080808

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7) Greek media propagates to its citizens that Panama has reverted its recognition of Macedonia back to "FYROM", only to be negated by the Panama officials

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/2657/45/

============================================
6) Greece pressures EU to ERASE "Macedonian" from EU documents

http://www.focus-fen.net/index.php?id=n139992

Note: What does ethnicity have to do with the name issue?
============================================
5) Macedonians attacked numerous times in Greece in the process forced to do embarrassing acts such as removal of "MK" from their cars, and cleaning the roads of the Greek boarder

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/1348/45/

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/1747/45/

Note: Greek officials (police) were involved in some abuses
============================================
4) Greece bans financial transfers from, and to Macedonia because Western Union clients worldwide fill in "Macedonia" on the "country" portion of forms needed to send or receive funds. This bothered Greece so the financial transactions were cut

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/1192/45/

============================================
3) Discovery of Macedonian swastika in Greek media circulation parallel to the time of Greek swastika occurred in Skopje billboards

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/1412/45/

============================================
2) Greece bans Macedonia's national flag carrier airline because flights are under the name "MAT- Macedonian Airline Transit"

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/main/news/9464/

Note: Macedonian does not equate to the name issue.
============================================
1) Greece bans Macedonian lamb because the source of the meat is labeled "Republic of Macedonia."

http://www.sofiaecho.com/article/gre...28781/catid_68

By Mactruth posted at: http://www.macedoniantruth.org/forum...ead.php?t=5118

[George S.]

My Thoughts on Macedonian Matters

My Thoughts on Macedonian Matters



By Kocho Sterjovski



Dear friends, the so-called “Macedonian Question” between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia, one way or another, affects the everyday life of every Macedonian from Greece. It brings tension between us and makes us argue and busy ourselves over it.



I wrote this letter, not to convince anyone, but simply to express my thoughts and give you my point of view on a question which I believe is not well understood.



In the context of things first it needs to be known that the word “KOMITA” (insurgent) comes from the Greek word “KOMA” (party), or as we say in Macedonian “KOMITET” (committee). The participants of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) committee, which organized the August 2nd, 1903 Ilinden Macedonian Uprising to free Macedonia from the Ottoman yoke were called “KOMITI” (insurgents).



The word “MAKEDONOMAHOS” (Macedonian fighter) can be explained in a couple of ways:



- First, if these Greek units (Greek illegal armed bands), made up of volunteers, were helping the Macedonian insurgents during the Ilinden Uprising, then they would have been friends of the Macedonian people because they would have fought together with the insurgents for Macedonia.



- Second, which for me is the correct explanation, is that these Greek units, made up of volunteers, entered Macedonian territories in 1904 and took the side of the Ottoman army and together with the Ottomans hunted down the Macedonian insurgents and tortured the Macedonian people. For me they were the “Macedono-crushers” of Macedonia, who did not want Macedonia to be an independent state and had foresight that the Ottomans would leave the Balkans and the occupied territories would be divided between Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece.



The fact that the “Makedonomahi”, the likes of “Pavlos Melas, Captain Fufas or Captain Agras”, were killed by Macedonian insurgents reveals to me that they were the enemy of Macedonia and of the Macedonian people.



And as was expected, the Ottomans left the Balkans and in 1913, in Bucharest, Romania, the agreement to partition Macedonia was signed and with that borders were erected between Serbia, Bulgaria and Greece.



Greece’s “Megali idea” to grab more territory from the Ottomans, where “supposed” Greek minorities lived, led to the “Greco-Turkish” war in the 1920’s, which the Greeks lost and were obliged to sign an agreement for population exchanges with Turkey. This arrangement contributed to the arrival of the “Prosfigi” (Christian Turkish settlers from Asia Minor) in the Aegean part of Macedonia (Greek occupied Macedonia), who today make up the majority of the population there and, supported by Greek authority, administer most of our Macedonian territory.



It needs to be mentioned that, during that period of change, many Macedonian families who would not accept the Greek occupation were driven out of their homeland.



On a different but related subject we have the deluded terms “Bulgarian state” and “Bulgarian language” in Bulgaria, which puts the Macedonian people living in Bulgaria in a similar situation as the Macedonians living in Greece.



With just a few short words the Bulgarians can be described as being a Tatar (Asian) people close to the Turks, who as horsemen, numbering a few thousand soldiers, managed to create a state inside the Byzantine territory, or more accurately, inside the territory of Northern Thrace, around the 8th century AD and who, according to Greek historians, adopted the language of the indigenous Thracians, whose language belonged to the group of Slavic languages closest or similar to the Macedonian language.



I also want to add that there is no Slavic language that exists on its own. Slavic languages are characterized by the country in which they are spoken, like Russian being spoken in Russia, Polish in Poland, Serbian in Serbia, and Macedonian in Macedonia and so on.



Slavic speaking countries cover the largest territory in Europe, starting from the Balkans in the south all the way to the Baltic in the north.



Similarities between the Macedonian and Thracian languages, which today the Bulgarians call “Bulgarian”, contributed greatly to Bulgarian propaganda in Macedonia in attempting to influence the Macedonian Uprising, convincing a select group of Macedonians to seek Bulgarian help which never materialized.



The Bulgarians had similar ideas as the Greeks and Serbians about Macedonia which led to Macedonia’s partition, results of which we all have to live with to this day. Today Macedonia is in pieces and depending on to which it belongs we hear a variety of stories.



The most interesting story for me is the one told by the Greek state, which says that the use of the name Macedonia is exclusively a Greek right which is tied to ancient Greek history and culture.



The world today wants to learn more about this ancient Greek culture and civilization. The number of tourists visiting ancient Greece, or as the advertisements claim “Glorious Greece”, is large.



There are even advertisements compelling people to fly to Turkish territories where they say it is possible to see the presence of this ancient Greek culture and civilization. Sadly however there is not even a single trip organized to Northern Greece, to Macedonia. I guess the world does not want to learn that apart from the Greek civilization, a Macedonian civilization also existed. The world does not want to hear that the Macedonian language is spoken in Macedonia; a language that is characteristic to all of Macedonia. I guess the world does not want to know that Macedonians are indigenous to Macedonia. That is why the Greeks call them “endopie” (local, indigenous).



If we Macedonians shared a common history with the Greeks in the past, why then is it that we do not share a common history today? Why do we not share our heritage as two people and why is the Republic of Macedonia not Greece’s best neighbour?



It appears that nothing in this world remains the same and everything is changed to fit the politics of the day.



Think about it, if those ancient Greeks with their high culture and civilization lived in Greece today, Greece would have been one of the most enlightened and richest countries in the world. The Acropolis is an ancient story and it appears that it is only used as Greek propaganda to brainwash people into believing in an everlasting Greece.



Maybe someone will ask me what I personally think of the so-called “Macedonian Question” being argued nowadays between Greece and the Republic of Macedonia.



For me this question does not exist. The problem is simple and singular and stems from Greece’s refusal to recognize a Macedonian minority.



This is a problem that only we the Macedonians in Greece can solve. One of the solutions, but not my solution, is for all of us to accept the Greek state’s program of assimilating the entire population of Greece into the “new Greek” nation, with a single Greek language.



My latest visit to the old country made me believe that the process of denationalizing the Macedonian nation and assimilating it into a Greek one is in full swing. A large part of the Macedonian population has already accepted the conditions of life which the Greek state forced upon it, and it would not be a lie if I told you that today the Macedonian language is on its deathbed, especially with the younger generations.



Very often I felt I was walking on delicate ground like an “unwanted” guest visiting strange people. But the people with whom I visited were not strangers, I grew up with many of them and experienced good and bad times. I even spoke with them in the Macedonian language. Let me say however that I do understand their problems and it is clear to me that they need to do what is right and best for them.



At the same time I cannot help myself but recall the words of my grandmother “Slavka” who begged me to speak to her in our Macedonian language, not only because she did not speak Greek but because Macedonian was our mother tongue. She even scolded my grandfather when he did not call her by her Macedonian name telling him, “Don’t call me “Evdoksia” that is not my name. My name is Slavka so call me by the name my godfather christened me.”



Visiting my village felt like I was watching myself on a film with my recollection of the old timers who looked after us when we were growing up. I remember old Kalina our neighbour, old Angia the soothsayer, old Naum the fisherman, old Mitre the miller, old Stojna, old Kata and old man Tasi with his interesting stories he told and re-told. All these people spoke only Macedonian and left us richer with their experience. Their lives were routed in Macedonian tradition full of beautiful stories, songs and dances which sadly today are being assimilated into the exaggerated new Greek culture.



Many say that this is done to create some kind of multiculture but how can this be called “multiculture” when it is presented as Greek and only in the Greek language.



Many of us Macedonians fail to understand that when “the pushteno” (Macedonian) dance is danced like the “levendiko” (Greek) that dance is no longer a Macedonian dance; it is now a Greek dance from Macedonia.



I believe that living with a mask on one’s face today is a great injustice. The discriminatory politics that go on between the various segments of the population in a country brings hate and mistrust between them.



In the beginning of this write-up I said that I had no aim of convincing anyone of anything but only to express my thoughts. I have no expectations that the KOMITI (Macedonian insurgents) from a bygone era will be resurrected and will free Macedonia.



It is my wish however that the Macedonian population in Greece have a good life, good “understanding and mutual respect” with the Prosfigi (colonists from Asia minor), who became citizens of Macedonia in the assembly of the Greek state.



Recognition of the Republic of Macedonia would be the right decision for Greece if it wants the needless and fanaticized problem solved which will be a relief for us and we will not have to bother one another. The Republic of Macedonia has shown that it can live with all its ethnic groups. It simply wants to exist and live in peace and understanding with all the countries in the Balkans.



Kocho Sterjovski – Kostas Stergiou



A Macedonian, citizen of Greece born in the village Ajtos, Lerin Region (Aetos Florinis) in Greece and now a citizen of Canada, living in Hamilton, Ontario.

Reference taken from Private email from Risto Stefov

[TrueMacedonian]

In the context of things first it needs to be known that the word “KOMITA” (insurgent) comes from the Greek word “KOMA” (party), or as we say in Macedonian “KOMITET” (committee). The participants of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) committee, which organized the August 2nd, 1903 Ilinden Macedonian Uprising to free Macedonia from the Ottoman yoke were called “KOMITI” (insurgents).

This assumption he made about the word Komita and Komiti is questionable. http://books.google.com/books?id=RQb...0great&f=false

The word existed during Constantine the Great's time (comites, comitatus) and meant "companions" as the link above illustrates which seems relatively closer to the actual Macedonian words used "Komiti, Komita".

[TrueMacedonian]

Here are the pages:


page 199

[osiris]

You are right again TM so many words thought of as Greek in both ancient and modern languages are borrowings from others but as you well know once a Greek latches onto anything it becomes Greek. Keep up your grey work exposing the bullshit that passes as Greek history

[George S.]

Think about the number of lies the greeks have told about the macedonians.If we let them tell their lies they become like truth.If reveal for what theyare as lies then the world will know their true colors.

[George S.]

Macedonian Struggle for Independence Part 39 – Macedonian Involvement in WW I

Macedonian Struggle for Independence



Part 39 – Macedonian Involvement in WW I



By Risto Stefov

rstefov@hotmail.com

March 2011



Only a few years since their fatherland was snatched out of their hands and torn apart by Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria, the Macedonian people were about to enter into yet another indignant Great Power war. Still suffering from the wounds of the two Balkan Wars and from having their country occupied and partitioned, the Macedonians by now had completely lost confidence in their neighbours to help them gain their independence. The Macedonians however were not the only ones unhappy in this new arrangement. Bulgaria was dissatisfied because it received the smallest part of Macedonia, hardly a prize for its effort and losses. Serbia was not satisfied because, in spite of its great effort and expense, it still did not gain access to the Aegean Sea. Greece too, in spite of the large chunk of Macedonian territory it unexpectedly received, was dissatisfied because it did not gain the Shar Planina Mountain ranges; a natural border of strategic military significance. Germany and Austria-Hungary were also not satisfied because the newly occupied region by Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria fell under British, Russian and French influence, which cut them off from their Asian connections. All this dissatisfaction caused friction between the various parties and laid the foundations for yet another conflict; the Great War.



To stem the tide, alliances were broken and new ones forged. Greece and Serbia joined the Entente Powers to safeguard what they had already while Bulgaria joined the Central Powers in hopes of getting more of what it did not get. While Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria became willing pawns in this Great Power struggle, Macedonia, yet again, unwillingly took centre stage in the conflict. And as unwilling participants, the Macedonian people were now mobilized by the Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian armies and forced into a fratricidal war.



Greece was one of the last Entente countries to mobilize its forces. By then it was common knowledge that mobilization was imminent so many Macedonians from Greek occupied Macedonia fled their homes and hid in the mountains to avoid the draft. Also, of the ones who were unfortunate enough to have been drafted, in spite of the threat of being executed, many deserted. By the start of the war about 20,000 Macedonians were mobilized into the Greek army, of whom about 8,000 deserted soon afterwards. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 512) Macedonian recruits were assigned to large, regular Greek army units to prevent them from deserting and to keep a close eye on them.



The situation in Serbia was somewhat different. As soon as Serbia gained control of the Macedonian territories and its people, it began to draft them into its army ranks. In January 1914, the Serbian Minister of War issued orders to have the entire male population, excluding Muslims, ages 20 to 29 drafted into the Serbian army. By March 5, 1914 three Macedonian regiments were created, each consisting of 4,000 recruits, led by Serbian officers.



Bulgaria took a similar approach to that of Serbia in the draft of Macedonians into its military. After gaining control of the Macedonian territories it occupied, Bulgaria began drafting Macedonians under the age of 25, as Bulgarian citizens, and those between the age of 25 and 30 were required to pay military tax. Bulgaria also drafted Macedonians who deserted the Greek and Serbian armies. These recruits were given special status and were not dispatched to fight on the front lines, instead they were sent to assist the German army. On October 30, 1916 the Bulgarian Minister of War dispatched orders to his districts to select the best 2,000 Macedonians and send them to assist the 11th German Division. All in all 22,351 Macedonians were recruited into the Bulgarian army. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 504)



By avoiding the drafts and by the large numbers of desertions, it was evident that the Macedonian people were not happy about fighting in a war that protected the interests of their enemies who occupied them and partitioned their fatherland, so they harshly opposed the recruitments. This unfortunately did not help their situation and turned what was supposed to be a general draft into a forced mobilization. The Macedonians in Greece received the worst treatment with the escalation of fear and terror campaigns. But it was the Macedonians in Serbian occupied Macedonia who publicly showed their dissatisfaction. This was manifested on April 15, 1914 during a line-up in Bregalnitsa to pledge an oath of loyalty to Serbia and the Serbian king, which the Macedonian recruits refused to take, prompting the Serbian officers to beat them in public, frightening the guests and dignitaries. As a result of their refusal to take the oath, 30 Macedonian recruits, considered the ring leaders, were jailed and the rest were taken away never to be seen again. Their act of loyalty to Macedonia and the Macedonian people however was unfortunately misused by the Bulgarian propaganda machine, which called the oath refusal “a Bulgarian revolt” and used it to create false concerns about the supposed “Bulgarians” (not the Macedonians) being mistreated by Serbia. As is well known however, the only concerns Bulgaria had were its own dissatisfaction that it had not received enough Macedonian territory from the Bucharest Treaty and was now looking for an opportunity to change that.



Historians attribute the start of World War I to Francis Ferdinand and his wife Sofia being assassinated on June 28, 1914, in Sarajevo. Being prepared for war, Germany and Austria-Hungary used the assassination as an opportunity to declare war on Serbia. On the pretext that the Serbian government had something to do with the assassination, Austria-Hungary demanded that Serbia allow investigations to be carried out by Austrian personnel on Serbian soil. But after Serbian authorities refused, the Austrian-Hungarian Empire declared war on Serbia.



Choosing the option to fight, Serbia, on July 12, 1941, ordered a general mobilization of its entire army. Macedonian recruits who were already inducted into the Serbian army in April 1914 were assigned to various divisions and immediately sent to the front. Macedonians who were called on to join the July 12th mobilization resisted bitterly. About 12,000 Macedonian recruits were assigned to Serbian units during the first phase of the mobilization which lasted from July 31 to August 10, 1914. But because Serbia could not muster enough forces during the first phase, it initiated a second and third phase during which it recruited more and older people ages 20 to 60, from its “newly occupied territories”. Muslims were also recruited. The total number of Macedonians recruited after the second and third phase was 53,048.



Besides facing resistance from the Macedonian population, Serbian authorities had to also deal with Bulgarian and Austrian propaganda calling on Macedonians to desert the Serbian army and join the Bulgarians. There were even secret channels organized to transport Macedonian deserters to the Bulgarian camps. Austria was attempting to influence the Macedonians to desert the Serbian army in an attempt to weaken Serbia and at the same time attract Bulgaria to its side. To sweeten the deal, Austria even offered its Macedonian prisoners of war to Bulgaria. If they declared themselves Bulgarians, Austria would release them and dispatch them to Bulgaria through Romania. By January 1915, 1,950 Macedonians left the Austrian camps and arrived in Bulgaria and by the end of February 1915, the number jumped to 3,000. In 1916 the Bulgarian government was informed that Austria had about 6,000 Macedonian prisoners of war remaining in its camps. According to Bulgarian and Serbian sources, about 30,000 people deserted the Serbian army, of whom 21,106 were Macedonians.



Many more Macedonians however still fought for Serbia and many sacrificed their lives in doing so. The exact number who died for Serbia is unknown because Serbia refused to recognize them as Macedonians. Some indirect recognition was given by Aleksandar, heir to the Serbian throne, on December 15, 1914 when he said: “In this solemn moment, when the Serbian flag is proudly hoisted over Belgrade, I must fulfill my obligation and express my gratitude to all our brothers, who we liberated from the Turks, and who fought shoulder to shoulder with you in this war. You are witnesses to their courage and their love for the fatherland. Men from Kosovo and Vardar, Zegligovo and Bregalnica, Bitola and Porece proved to be worthy and equal to their brothers from Sumadija and Morava”. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 492) But the Macedonians were neither liberated nor did they love the Serbian fatherland; they only fought because they had to save their own lives and died to save the lives of those for whom they cared.



The situation unfortunately was no better in Bulgaria and those attempting to escape the Serbian or Austrian-Hungarian clutches had no idea what they were getting into when they joined the Bulgaria army. Among the few that did know what they were doing and were prepared to do something about it was Yane Sandaski, then living in Melnik. In his frequent travels to Sofia, Sandanski used his influence to convince those whom he trusted that Macedonia would never have a future as long as Ferdinand and Radoslav’s revenge seeking government were in power. Sandanski and his like minded friends decided that in order to avoid disaster, Ferdinand had to be eliminated. With Ferdinand out of the way, Peoples’ rule would be established and Bulgaria would not have to enter the war. A group consisting of Yane Sandanski, Mihail Gerdzikov and Krsto Stanchev was created and given the task of establishing contact with the anti-war political parties. Unfortunately the idea did not have much support and the plan was abandoned, but not unnoticed by Ferdinand’s supporters. Some time later Ferdinand summoned Sandanski, proposing that he work for him and organize Macedonian units to fight for Bulgaria. Sandanski however had ideas of his own and proposed to the king that he would lead Macedonian units only if they fought under the Macedonian flag and for the Macedonian cause. On his return to Melnik, on Apri1 22, 1915, Sandanski was ambushed and murdered.



Dissatisfied with the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest, Bulgaria went into a state of desperation and sought alliances with whoever would help her gain the most of Macedonia. Still believing that Austria-Hungary would support Macedonian autonomy, as it did during the Balkan Wars, the Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (MRO) too began to look to Austria-Hungary, hoping that it would support a revision of the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest and reunification of Macedonia. However, as mentioned earlier, Austria-Hungary’s motive for drawing in Bulgaria and the MRO were to weaken Serbia and bring it to its knees. If there was any hope of Austria-Hungary supporting Macedonian autonomy, by the start of the First World War that hope was lost. Unbeknownst to MRO, Austria-Hungary was more interested in placating Bulgaria than it was in supporting the Macedonian question. So the notion of supporting Macedonian autonomy was quickly replaced by the notion of supporting an autonomous Macedonia to be annexed by Bulgaria.



Taking Austria-Hungary’s gestures seriously, MRO was able to not only muster its own forces but to create alliances with Albanian and Turkish forces that also looked to Austria-Hungary for support. Their first task was to go behind enemy lines and stir the Macedonian population into initiating an armed uprising against the Serbian regime. The MRO and its allies were also tasked with destroying a crucial bridge near the village Udovo in order to cut off the Entente line from providing the Serbian army with weapons, ammunition and military equipment. MRO and its allies accepted their assigned tasks and continued to operate from January to March 1915, carrying out military and propaganda missions as expected, particularly in the border areas.



Unfortunately because of the sense of hopelessness they were feeling, knowing very well that they might, yet again, be fooled by false promises, or because their sons were serving in the Serbian army and would be endangered if the did rise, the Macedonian people in the Serbian occupied part of Macedonia were reluctant to rise. Regardless however, the MRO and its allies continued with their plan to attack the bridge near the village Udovo and to occupy Valandovo. The attack on the bridge, which lasted through April 1st and 2nd, 1915, was bloody and unsuccessful, but the attack on Valandovo was a success and the town was occupied for one day until Serbian reinforcements arrived and re-occupied it. Unfortunately, it was most unfortunate that Macedonians had to be engaged on both sides of this conflict.



Unable to destroy the Udovo bridge in April, a second mission was put together for September, this time supported by the Bulgarian army. Two columns of joint MRO and Bulgarian forces were dispatched from Strumitsa to Udovo on the morning of September 30, 1915. The right column consisted of one company from the 14th Macedonian Infantry Regiment, one company from the 13th Rila Infantry Regiment and one company from the Border Battalion. The left column consisted of one company from the 14th Macedonian Infantry Regiment, one company from the 13th Rila Regiment and 50 MRO fighters. Other units were tasked with providing security for the retreat when the operation was completed.



Upon their arrival at the scene, on the evening of September 30, 1915, a battle broke out and despite their great effort the columns were unable to destroy the bridge. After this the job of destroying the bridge fell entirely on the MRO and the Macedonians. Again most of the victims in this battle were Macedonians, since both the Serbian and Bulgarian armies employed Macedonians in their units. Besides that, the Macedonian civilian population also suffered when houses and entire villages were burnt down, especially those in the path of the battle zones.



The latest successes in Valandovo and Germany’s victory over Russia in April 1915, boosted Bulgaria’s confidence in the Central powers, prompting Radoslavov’s pro-German government to publicly announce its aspirations towards Macedonia. Because of the Russian defeat, the Entente powers were inclined to offer Bulgaria what it wanted if it joined the Entente. But Bulgaria wanted all of Macedonia. Having Serbia’s agreement to give up the Bulgarian desired Macedonian territory, the Entente gave in to Bulgarian demands. The offer however was not accepted by Bulgaria because by then Bulgaria had secretly negotiated a better deal with the Central powers and had become a member of its coalition.



The pro-Entente Greek government followed Bulgarian-German negotiations very closely and was quick to react to Bulgarian threats against Serbia; itself threatening to retaliate to which Wilhelm II, the German chancellor, responded with a threatening telegram to the Greek king Constantine who happened to be the son-in-law of the German king. On March 6, 1915 the Greek Prime minister was replaced with the appointment of a prime minister who was willing to keep Greece neutral. The same Greek Prime Minister was again replaced after winning the elections in Greece but in 1917 the Entente powers forced the Greek king to abdicate and Greece joined the war on the Entente side.



The first major attack on Serbia by the Central powers took place on November 6, 1915 with the bombing of Belgrade. Pushed from the northern front by Austrian-Hungarian and German forces, the Serbians had to retreat towards Kosovo in order to continue their withdrawal to Solun. But their path was blocked and they were forced to retreat through the Albanian and Montenegrin mountains towards the Adriatic Sea. Because it was winter, the retreat turned out to be very difficult. The cold weather, hunger, being improperly dressed and unprepared, constantly being attacked on the way by pursuing Bulgarians and killed and robbed by Albanian armed gangs, the retreat took a toll on the Serbians. More than 72,000 Serbian soldiers, among whom were many Macedonians, lost their lives in a very short time.



On February 19, 1916, 151,828 Serbian soldiers and approximately 14,470 civilian refugees made it to the Adriatic Sea and were transported to Corfu where they were reorganized. By the end of May 1916, the entire Serbian army, approximately 150,000 men, was sent to Solun and after a brief training period at the beginning of August, the army was dispatched to the Macedonian front stretching from the River Vardar to Pelagonia along the line Vardar to Kozuf, Veternik and Dobro Pole to Kajmakcalan, to the road Banitsa in Lerin Region.



By now new alliances were forged and battle lines drawn, mostly on Macedonian soil. As fronts began to develop deserters were court marshaled, including many Macedonians who refused to fight in other people’s wars.



After Bulgaria occupied the Macedonian territories promised to it by the Central powers, it divided them into two districts. Later, when Bulgaria occupied a part of Greek occupied Macedonia, it created a third district. In total the two districts under former Serbian control covered nine regions, which included Skopje, Kumanovo, Tetovo, Shtip, Tikvesh, Bitola, Ohrid, Prizren and Prishtina Region. As soon as these districts were created Bulgaria began to mobilize the population, calling on all men between the ages 30 and 40 to join the draft. By September 1916, the total number of people mobilized was 28,920; 10,773 Christians, 18,101 Muslims, and 46 Jews. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 502) These were disappointing numbers for the Bulgarian authorities who, in spite of their strong propaganda calling for Macedonia to be liberated, were not believed by the Macedonian people. In other words, the Macedonian people still remembered what had happened to them after the Balkan Wars.



By October 1915, a large front began to develop in Macedonia with the Entente forces concentrating in Solun. By mid-November the French and British had arrived in Solun with a combined force numbering 150,000 soldiers. Commanded by the Frenchman Maurice Sarrail, this force, whose job was to secure rail traffic from Solun to Skopje, was known as the Eastern Army. Stretching from the southern slopes of Belasitsa -the village Tatarli - Demir Kapija –Kavadartsi, this front was created and mandated with the task of preventing Central forces from penetrating into Solun and reaching out towards the Suez Canal, Africa and Asia. This force was also responsible for staging a counter-offensive against German, Austro – Hungarian, Bulgarian and Turkish forces that might venture in that direction. The army’s role also included providing assistance to the British, French and Russian forces, assisting in Serbian restoration and putting pressure on the pro-German Greek king Constantine not to allow Greece to join the Central powers.



By December 1915, the Central forces commanded by Friedrich Scholtz, a German, were gathering strength and developing their own front in Macedonia with the Austrian-Hungarians taking positions in Albania and Macedonia, stretching from the Ionian Sea to Lake Ohrid. The Bulgarians and Germans taking positions from Lake Ohrid to Bitola and along the Greek border to Prilep.

Behind them, near Veles and Shtip, stood another German and Bulgarian force to protect their rear. A combined force was also placed along the Greek border following the Belasitsa Mountain north of Lake Dojran. The Bulgarians were taking positions along the Strumica -Petric -Nevrokop line, along the Mesta River valley to the Aegean Sea. The Turks took positions in Skopje and Prilep. These front lines remained unchanged until May 1916, when the Central forces occupied the Rupel Gorge, Drama, Seres, Kavala and other cities, and later the eastern region of Greek occupied Macedonia to the Aegean Sea.



By May 1916, both sides were well rooted in Macedonia and as they fought they continued to reinforce their strength bringing the Entente numbers to half a million soldiers with the British occupying the sector stretching from the Gulf of Orfano along the valley of Struma to Butkovo Lake, along the Krusha Mountain slopes to the Galik River. A combined force of French, British and Italian soldiers occupied the region from Galik to the Vardar River. The Serbians occupied the region from the Vardar River to Lake Prespa and a French-Russian force occupied the region south of Lake Ostrovo to Lake Kostur. A combined Italian and French force in the meantime occupied the region west of Lake Ohrid to southern Albania to the Ionian Sea.



At the same time the Central forces had formed a front along Bitola Region on Nidze Mountain near Duditsa, the Vardar River valley from Duditsa to Lake Dojran, the Struma River Valley from Lake Dojran to the Gulf of Orfano, and from Lake Ohrid to the Ionian Sea.



The Macedonian front extended over many mountain massifs where the height at some places exceeded 2,000 meters above sea level and stretched some 600 km from the Gulf of Orfano to the Ionian Sea. More that 450 km of the front was located inside Macedonia, existed for 3 years from 1915 to 1918 and was constantly active.



Sensing that this might be a short war, both the Serbians and Bulgarians tried to take advantage of it and employed every means at their disposal, including taking vicious attacks at each other all on Macedonian soil. And besides turning the Macedonian population into their victims, they both employed Macedonian soldiers on their fronts.



One such vicious attack was the battle of Gornichevo, which took place when the Bulgarians attempted to take that region from the Serbians. Bulgaria’s motive for this was to further expand its territory in Macedonia. On August 17, 1916, while one Bulgarian force attacked the British positions in the Struma River Valley, a second Bulgarian force attacked the Serbian forces and gained access to Gornichevo, Banitsa and Sorovichevo.



Displease about this, particularly since Bulgaria was now trying to obtain Macedonian territories given to Greece, the Entente ordered a regrouping of its forces and launched a counter attack against the Bulgarians. The battle of the counter attack, initiated by the Serbian army, took place in Gornichevo on September 12, 1916 by a strong artillery barrage. About six hours later the Bulgarian artillery began to fire and no village remained in the vicinity that was not burned down and turned to dust. That entire densely populated area was on fire placing the Macedonian civilian population in peril. The battle continued with the same intensity all through the night and the next day. It was not until Serbia brought reinforcements that the Bulgarians withdrew. This was the first vicious battle between Serbia and Bulgaria on Macedonian soil. Although Serbia succeeded in pushing Bulgaria out of this region it tallied up severe losses with more than 7,200 dead.



Of the many battles that took place in various parts of Macedonia, including the ones in the mountains, the next vicious battle was that of Tsrna Reka. After fighting several battles for the dominance of Bitola from October 20 to November 14, 1916, the Entente came to the realization that it would not be able to take it so General Sarrail moved the battle to Tsrna Reka. On October 22, Sarrail reinforced his position with Serbian, French and Colonial troops and began his attack. At the same time the Germans counter-attacked the Serbians but the attack was repulsed and the Serbians began to dig themselves in. Then on November 10, 1916 the Serbians breached the Bulgarian front and occupied Polog, pushing the Bulgarians 4 km south of Bitola and thus allowed the French and Russians to enter Tsrna Reka. On November 18 the Germans attacked the French and Serbian forces on Selechka Mountain. The Serbian, French and Colonial armies retaliated with a strong counter attack pushing the Germans and Bulgarians back.



Combat operations in this region continued until the end of November 1916, when Bulgaria sent 40 additional battalions to reinforce its position. In the next three months the combined Central forces penetrated almost 40 km and re-occupied Bitola.



Prior to Bitola’s occupation, the German and Bulgarian armies kept bombing Bitola from their positions in the mountains from March to October 1917, during which time they nearly destroyed the city. On March 4 alone, Bitola was bombed by 2,000 shells, some loaded with poisons from which 50 people died in horrible pain. On March 19, 60 shells were fired and on March 20, another 350, most of which contained poisons killing 47, wounding 20 and destroying 76 buildings. On March 26 and 27 Bitola was bombed by 93 shells which damaged 260 buildings. From May 6 to May 10, 183 shells were fired killing 9 people and damaging 15 buildings. From May 12 to 14, Bitola was bombed with 226 shells, eight people were killed and 40 buildings damaged. On May 18 and 19, 30 shells were fired, nine people killed and eight buildings demolished. On July 7 and 9, 146 shells were fired, four people were killed and nine houses were demolished. The severest was the bombing on August 4, when 2,000 shells were fired and the city was set on fire. Then on August 8, Bitola was attacked with 1,764 shells killing 18 people, wounding 15 and destroying 620 houses. On August 21 and 22, 665 shells were fired, three people were killed, five were wounded and 44 buildings were destroyed. On October 4, 7 and 8, Bitola was attacked again with 1,057 shells, seven people were killed and 37 buildings were destroyed. It was estimated that Bitola suffered the most serious blow of all cities that were involved in the conflict in World War I. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Pages 519 and 520)



While this was going on the Bulgarians continued to make gains against the Greeks in Drama and Kavala and extended their sphere of influence from the Gulf of Orfano along the Struma Valley to Krusha Mountain. On December 6, 1916 their defense positions were strengthened and this newly established front line remained intact until it was finally breached in 1918.



On June 12, 1917, Greek king Constantine abdicated and the new Greek government, headed by Prime Minister Venizelos, joined Greece to the Entente. By the fall of 1918, Greece dedicated nine divisions to this conflict. In the meantime a trench war and a crisis began to develop in the Bulgarian and Serbian armies which spent the winter of 1916-1917 in disease ridden trenches where many became sick and died. The crisis intensified after Macedonians discovered what Serbia and Bulgaria were up to and then refused to serve in their armies. Macedonians showed their discontent by massive desertion and either joined the French led labour force or hid in the mountains. Between March and August 1918, 2,132 soldiers deserted from the 2nd Bulgarian Army alone. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 520)



Another major battle that took place on Macedonian soil was the battle at Dobro Pole. This was one of the final battles between the Entente and the Central powers that marked the beginning of the end of World War I. After General Franchet d'Esperey’s appointment to Supreme Commander of the Entente allied forces at the Macedonian front in July 1918, he toured the entire front and recommended an offensive take place. The idea was to breach the Central Power front and invade Kavadartsi, Demir Kapija and Negotino Regions, creating a wedge between the German and Bulgarian armies. When this was to be completed, French, British and Greek forces were to attack enemy positions in the Vardar and Struma River Valleys.



After two months of preparations the plan was put into action on September 14, 1918, with an artillery barrage against the enemy which lasted all through the 14th and overnight into the 15th. The next day there was hand to hand combat sometimes involving Macedonians, even among close relatives, on both sides of the front. After severe vicious battles the Bulgarians began to retreat.



On September 17, 1918, the Entente allied forces took positions on Topolec peak and from that point forward had the Central Power forces on the run. On September 21, 1918 the Serbian Army arrived in the Demir Kapija, Kavadartsi and Negotino Regions, constructed a bridge on the Vardar River from Krivolak to Gradsko and from there began its counter offensive in Shtip, Veles and Prilep, thus concluding the Dobro Pole offensive.



Taking advantage of the success of this latest offensive and of the low morale of the Bulgarian army, Entente forces continued to widen the gap in the 20 km wide and 12 km deep German-Bulgarian front. Highly motivated by their recent success the Serbians continued their advance, determined to prevent the Germans and Bulgarians from creating a new front.



Aware of the situation at the front, the Bulgarian government, on September 26, 1918, sent representatives to Solun to request a time out in the next 48 hours. But Franchet d'Esperey rejected their request and advised them to seek peace. The Bulgarian government accepted and on September 29, 1918, signed a truce which signaled the capitulation to the Bulgarian army. All military operations ended on September 30, 1918, in accordance with the terms of the truce and the Bulgarian units operating west of Skopje were taken captive, while those east of Skopje were disarmed and sent back to Bulgaria.



German command however did not recognize the truce, as German units gradually retreated expecting reinforcements.



On October 30, 1918, Turkey capitulated followed by Austria-Hungary on November 4th and Germany signed a capitulation agreement on November 11, 1918.



Macedonian personnel losses and material damages were never estimated or recognized, even though the Macedonian population was mobilized by force and the brunt of the war took place on Macedonian soil. It was estimated that in total there were about 60,000 Macedonians inducted into the Serbian army, 133,887 into the Bulgarian army and about 20,000 into the Greek army. The total number of Macedonians mobilized in World War I was estimated to be about 213,000. (Vanche Stojchev. “Military History of Macedonia”. Military academy. Skopje, 2004. Page 527)



During World War I, military forces from both the Entente and the Central Powers entered Macedonian territory through a violent occupation and established their own administrations. The Bulgarians established their own authority and so did the Entente forces when General Sarrail disregarded existing Greek rule, expelled official Greek authorities from Solun, declared a state of war and established his own authority over the entire territory occupied by Entente forces. Thus the military occupation of Greek occupied Macedonia was publicly declared and lasted until November 1918.



After the 1919 Peace Treaty of Versailles, Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria retained the Macedonian territories awarded to them by the August 10, 1913 Treaty of Bucharest with the exception of Strumitsa Region, which previously was given to Bulgaria, was now given to Serbia. Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian authority was quickly reestablished in the respective Macedonian territories and Macedonia once again found itself under the same old occupation. Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian authorities resumed their assimilation and denationalization policies, exposing the Macedonian population to severe measures of repression.



To be continued.

Reference This was taken from a private email from Risto Stefov