Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[George S.]

Vladimir Putin has come under fire after a video of him shaking his fist at a priest surfaced online.

http://www.vancouversun.com/life/Vid...211/story.html

The incident occurred when Putin visited the famous Valaam monastery on Lake Ladoga to attend a meeting of the Russian Geographical Society. After shaking hands with a number of society board members, the Orthodox priest attempted to kiss Putin on the hand, and the Russian president jerked away in surprise before briefly raising a fist. Footage of the exchange was uploaded on YouTube by Russia Today.

Putin's spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Tuesday that Putin has had to warn the man about physical gestures in the past.

The priest, who is from Macedonia, defended his gesture. "We have this tradition in the Balkans of always honoring your superiors, and I always kiss the hands of parents, grandparents and so forth as a sign of love and respect," he told Interfax.

[George S.]

Time to Look Beyond Macedonia's Ohrid Agreement

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/arti...hrid-agreement

More than a decade after its adoption, the Ohrid Framework has become a part of history and it is time now to start a debate on the future.



Harald Schenker
BIRN
Skopje



When the Ohrid Framework Agreement was adopted under extremely delicate and difficult circumstances, the international community hailed a victory of international diplomacy.

Local communities in Macedonia were more down to earth. For many among the majority Macedonians, the agreement imposed a limit beyond which it was impossible to make more concessions.

Many in the ethnic Albanian community considered the deal an acknowledgment of their struggle for more rights and equal treatment and a necessary step.

The other, smaller communities felt they got something out of it, but were wary of being marginalised by the ethnic Albanians when it came to the issue of minority rights.

Today, more than a decade later, much has changed and much has remained the same. The statements above can remain almost unaltered, although the reality has evolved.

Some eulogised the agreement on its tenth anniversary one year ago and I will not repeat that now, beyond saying that it has fulfilled its purpose. It stopped a conflict.

It changed the face of Macedonia, turning it legally into a multi-ethnic state, governed with elements of power sharing. And it impacted on its citizens’ reality. Most state institutions reflect to a large extent this multi-ethnic reality and the monopoly of only one language has gone.

A lot of questions about implementation of the agreement remain. The one with most impact is the political postulate of quantity before quality. Following this logic, it seems better to fill up numbers of party-affiliated persons in the administration in order to reach the quota of “equitable ethnic representation” rather than to uphold professional and educational standards.

Macedonia’s administration is paying the price for this policy; the absorption capacity of EU funds being still at a very low level. But the higher goal of short-term ethno-social pacification is at least achieved for now.

The agreement is undergoing yet another review, pushed by the EU, and the conclusions from this are likely to be included into future planning. But these remain administrative matters. And the fact that the two guarantee powers of the agreement, the EU and the US, will continue to play their role is an insurance policy that these administrative matters will receive appropriate attention. The political work, however, is done. There is no more to achieve there.

Now Macedonia faces other essential problems, which need to be solved this decade, if possible. A provisional list would include:

Identity:

From the onset of Macedonia’s independence, a paradox has existed between the need of ethnic Macedonians to canonise their ethnic identity and the need to find a formula of citizenship that attracts all the country’s inhabitants.

The constitution and legislation try to combine the concepts of individual-based citizenship and group-based ethnic identity with elements of power sharing, such as the double majority principle, or so-called “Badinter majority”, which means that a majority among ethnic community MPs is needed in addition to the parliamentary majority for legislation impacting on ethnic communities. While this may function at the level of day-to-day business, it does not solve the paradox.

The multi-ethnic setup as defined by the constitution has received little more than the lip service required by protocol. Political and intellectual elites, which are too little distinct from each other, have not invested intellectual or political capital in seeking a distinct Macedonian (cross-) national identity that transgresses the narrowness of ethnic definitions and the mythology surrounding them.

On the contrary, the national discourses have been accentuated. The powerful process of creating a new, distinct and antique Macedonian identity is in full flow. It calls for a total change of paradigms. Its success can be measured in opinion polls and partially relates to the immense financial means and political capital invested in pushing this process forward, as well as the collective subjective need to address the identity question.

While pursuing this process, the political and intellectual elites driving it must be aware that it is not countering the strong group identity of the Albanians, who define themselves as part of a larger, cultural nation. Little is on offer for the ethnic Albanian group or the other, smaller minorities to add a layer of collective Macedonian patriotism to the catalogue of multiple individual identities.

Thus, Macedonia’s nation-building process does not cover the entire population and actually opens the way for strengthening existing distinct collective identities, or forming new ones. For examples of this, look at the way that some Macedonian Muslims are striving to become an ethnic community.

To make things worse, the academic debate on the abovementioned issues is marred by an almost Babylonian confusion of terminology. Terms like multiculturalism, multi-ethnicity, multilingualism, etc. are thrown around without reflection, adding to the confusion. When media and politicians pick up the phrases and build them into their discourses, the damage is difficult to undo.

The unsolved conflict with Greece about the name of the country, the dormant conflict with Bulgaria about the Macedonian language and with Serbia about the recognition of an independent church also do their part to keep the identity issue in limbo.

Administrative reforms:

A hurried process of decentralisation and a variety of administrative reforms have failed to produce a sustainable model, balancing the central level and a variety of regional and local levels of interest.

These processes have produced a large number of municipalities that are not going to be able to raise the resources to sustain themselves. It is only natural that as they cease to try and find funds that will never be sufficient at the central level, they will start gravitating around the larger urban centres. This process is ongoing and pooling of resources and expertise is something that every donor will encourage.

All this is unproblematic - until the realisation comes that a de facto regionalisation is under way, which may give rise to discussions about a different administrative setup that would take into account the different and differing interests of the respective regions. This poses two threats to the central level: one is the loss of political leverage and the other is the partially ethno-linguistic dimension of these processes.

In a general context, in which there is a clear push among the ethnic Albanians to establish Albanian as a second, fully equal official language, and if this push succeeds, it would be naïve to think that this would have no political implications for the whole of Macedonian society.

A more open society:

Macedonia’s constitutional and legal frameworks stipulate inclusiveness and guarantee a wide range of rights and freedoms. The debates on the anti-discrimination law and on the de-criminalisation of libel have shown political limitations but have also started processes that will eventually lead to results that are in sync with European reality.

Nevertheless, the social and political developments of the last two decades have produced at least two parallel societies with little interaction and high levels of segregation. Ethnic distance is growing and tolerance towards non-mainstream groups, be they religious, based on sexual orientation, etc. is decreasing.

This in itself is a worrying development, which, combined with a crisis in the education system, offers a platform for the manipulation of generations of young people entering society. Critical thinking is not on the agenda, and young people are educated to obey rather than use their reasoning.

With ethnic and social gaps widening, there is a need for structured communication among citizens, whatever their background. There is need to create a social glue as well as a philosophical and possibly even ideological one, to help bridge these gaps and avoid further separation.

The only feasible path Macedonia can take is towards an open and inclusive society. But for that to happen, the culture of talking and listening to each other has to be nurtured. This culture has to take into account that we are living in the 21st century, in a period of urban concentration. It is not enough to know each other’s folklore and history.

In order to co-exist, it is necessary to know each other’s modern reality. The only way to achieve this is through communication, not spontaneous encounter, left to hazard, but structured communication, which has as its target the construction of a joint narrative for this society.

This list is by no means comprehensive, I simply touched some of the more visibly burning subjects. Others, to which I shall come back later, include arts and culture, economy, regional integration, and, of course, EU accession.

These issues all need to be talked about across society. The results of dealing publicly with them are difficult to predict. On the other hand it is safe to say that the lack of public discourse as well as their taboo status will not have a positive effect on the wellbeing of the society.

By keeping these issues out of the public realm, political elites nurture an illusion that these processes can be controlled and steered. It remains an illusion. Policy planning has to take into account the opinion, interest and wellbeing of the sovereign people. The times of “cabinet policies” have long passed and it is time for Macedonia’s policy makers to take this reality into account.

Party politicians and strategic thinkers need to understand that debate does not pose a threat to policy-making. On the contrary, it democratically legitimises decision-making, when both the process and the contents of public debate are taken into account by policy makers.

This is the moment also for the intellectual elites to step up and get beyond narrow personal or group interests and show the real grandezza of intellectual work: to look beyond the day-to-day administration of reality and realise the need for a vision for Macedonia as a whole: a joint narrative that takes into account all particularities but integrates them for a common aim.

In this respect, the Ohrid Agreement was a first, necessary step. Treating it like the Holy Grail is ignoring the fact that the work has just begun. Or rather, it is about to begin.

[George S.]

O'Neal: Time for Macedonia to enter UN as Macedonia

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/21591/1/

Now it’s the right time when the Republic of Macedonia can rightfully seek from the UN General Assembly and from those 130+ countries that have already recognised it under its constitutional name, to agree to be recognised in the world organisation under this name.

British diplomat and first international mediator in Greek-Macedonia name dispute, Robin O'Neil, assessed this in an interview with MTV's ‘Porta’ program.



The recent visit of the UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to Macedonia means support, who commented that current dispute is ‘regretful’ and should be ‘urgently’ resolved adding that he is personally committed to help in this, O’Neil said.



He explained that two foreign political goals of the Macedonian Government – sooner membership in NATO and EU and resolving the name dispute are connected, but are not identical, adding that 1995 Interim Accord offers solutions to first of the two problems. The Government in Greece agreed in Article 11.1 of this Accord that will not hinder admission of Macedonia in international organisations under the name FYR of Macedonia.



The International Court of Justice in the Hague verified that Greece is obliged to obey this obligation. As far as I know so far Macedonia has not submitted request to join in any of these two organisations under the name FYR of Macedonia. It should be remembered that the Interim Accord recognises the name FYR of Macedonia only as provisional name, O’Neil said.



The UN Security Council Resolution 817 (1993) is the same, which recommended Macedonia to be admitted in the UN under that name while the talks between Greece and Macedonia last. It is second important aspect of this issue for which entire international community agrees that the name issue is simply bilateral dispute between Greece and Macedonia, he said, adding that this is somehow forgotten by the international community.



The dispute between Macedonia and Greece is purely bilateral and accordingly other counties should not be interested in this. Other countries can be interested in the dispute if it is a threat for the peace or stability of the Balkans, but it is not the case. UN Security Council resolutions requested from Greece and Macedonia to resolve their bilateral dispute however in the period of 20 years Greece refused any kind of reasonable compromise.



Since the dispute is only between Greece and Macedonia one possible direction towards progress would be Greece in relations with Macedonia to use name different from “Republic of Macedonia,” and Macedonia to accept it in this relations. Macedonia would continue not to have problem to use the constitutional name of “Hellenic Republic” and I do not see any problem here, and I hope that Macedonia will be flexible in relation to the name, which Greece will use towards (it) Macedonia.



Such an agreement would only have bilateral meaning and the same will not be used or will have influence on the name under which Macedonia will be known in the UN or international organisations including here NATO and EU.



Commenting the statement of Daniel Serwer on importance of Macedonia’s admission in NATO as the factor of providing stability in the region, O’Neil reiterated his position saying “is the most relevant for Greece which has many direct interests in the stability of the region and in good-neighbourly relations with all around it.” This interest will be fully met through establishing close relations with Macedonia as member of the NATO and as EU partner, O’Neil said.



The name dispute is exaggerated as highly emotional political problem and for this no one should be blamed but political parties in Greece. Once resolved, it would show that the solution will not bring any wrong either to Greek state or Greek nation, Robin O'Neil said in his interview with MTV's ‘Porta’ program.

[George S.]

Australian MP lobbying for Macedonia
Date: 03/08/2012, 11:55

http://www.dnevnik.com.mk/default.as...238F0E57E0628D

With all my energy will be zalozham Australia to recognize Macedonia under its constitutional name, said Stephen Jones, a member of the Australian Parliament during today's visit to Bitola.

- I'll try to be recognized Macedonia under its constitutional name in Australia, it will put my whole enegija and will seek support from friends in Parliament. We will do for Macedonia to be included in the EU and NATO since you are a small nation in a very large region, and security of your borders and the future of this country require the inclusion in the international community. For Australia, Macedonia is a new country with a very old history - the senator said Jones. He visited Macedonia at their own expense desiring closely to meet the country of origin of the Macedonians in Australia who gave voice to his party. Here he met with the President, ministers of foreign affairs and finance, as well as mayors of Ohrid and Bitola. - It is our great supporter and lobbyist to accept the Republic of Macedonia, our name in all documents in Australia. As I said to the New Year's plans to succeed in it by its maximum effort and support. To perform before the local parliament wanted to inform people of Macedonia - Bitola Mayor Vladimir said Taleski. (ZH.Z.)

[George S.]

Stavros Lambrinidis appointed first EU Special Representative for Human Rights

http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedoc...aff/132029.pdf

On a proposal by Catherine Ashton, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and
Security Policy/Vice President of the European Commission, the Council today appointed
Stavros Lambrinidis as EU Special Representative (EUSR) for Human Rights. Mr
Lambrinidis will take office on 1 September, with an initial mandate running until 30 June,
2014. His role will be to enhance the effectiveness and visibility of EU human rights
policy. He will have a broad, flexible mandate, giving him the ability to adapt to
circumstances, and will work closely with the European External Action Service, which
will provide him with full support.


EU High Representative Catherine Ashton said: "I am delighted to appoint Stavros
Lambrinidis as the first EU Special Representative for Human Rights. Human rights are
one of my top priorities and a silver thread that runs through everything that we do in
external relations. This is therefore a key portfolio for the European Union and for me
personally. With his talent and huge experience, Mr Lambrinidis will be a tremendous
asset to us. I look forward to working with him in putting the protection and promotion of
human rights and democracy at the heart of EU external action, and enhancing the
coherence, effectiveness and visibility of our work in this field."


Born in Athens, Mr Lambrinidis is an attorney, a former Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Greece and a former Vice-President of the European Parliament. Between 2004 and 2009
he served as Vice-President of the Parliament's Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs
Committee. Earlier in his career he was Chairman of the Committee for Human Rights in
the Bar Association of Washington, D.C.

[George S.]

AMHRC/MHRMI/VINOZHITO DOUBLY QUESTION THE APPOINTMENT OF A ‘CRUSADING’ EU SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

Melbourne, Toronto & Lerin

26 July 2012

The Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC), Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) and the European Free Alliance – Rainbow/Vinozhito, a political party of the Macedonian minority of Greece, question the wisdom of a Special Representative for Human Rights to focus on non-EU states and are deeply concerned about the appointee.

On 25 June 2012, the EU High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs & Security Policy, Catherine Ashton, announced that former PASOK Foreign Minister of Greece, Stavros Lambrinidis will be the inaugural Special Representative.

The appointment of a Special Representative for Human Rights follows the EU’s adoption in June of the Strategic Framework and the Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy for the purpose of dealing with the EU’s external relations i.e. with third countries.

In principle, any initiative addressing the promotion of human rights and democracy should be welcomed. However the limited scope of this plan is disappointing. Regrettably, it appears that the Special Representative won’t possess a mandate to address human rights violations and concerns within EU Member States. This is a missed opportunity to strengthen human rights protection within the Union, especially in relation to persistent human rights violators such as Greece, Bulgaria, Romania and Hungary.

As Mark Dawson, Professor of Law at the Hertie School of Governance, has observed:

“These violations can only be tackled, however, if an EU envoy is given the necessary powers. Existing EU human rights bodies—such as the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights—have struggled to live up to expectations precisely because they have been given a highly limited mandate, able to provide “information” but not to critically and independently assess the conformity of national and EU institutions with human rights standards. The new special representative's ability to make a difference will depend on going further: this representative should not just be an external voice for human rights but should be given internal powers too, for example the ability to scrutinize legislation or even recommend legal measures against states who persistently act in violation of the EU Charter. To be a credible “external” actor, the EU must also be credible in terms of its own human rights commitments.”

In the programmatic statement of the EU Framework for the Promotion of Human Rights and Democracy, it is asserted that the EU will: “intensify the promotion of ratification and effective implementation of key international human rights treaties”. Yet it is the Greece of Mr. Lambrinidis, which is not a “third country”, but a foundation member of the ‘crusading’ EU, that has refused to ratify essential human rights instruments.

The appointment of Mr Lambrinidis to this post has tarnished the office of the Special Representative even before work has commenced. Mr Lambrinidis is a former Foreign Minister of Greece and diplomat in the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Under his leadership the Greek Foreign Ministry continued to vehemently deny the existence of Macedonian, Turkish, Vlach and other minorities within Greece. The treatment of these minority groups has been heavily criticised by the United Nations’ Independent Expert on Minority Issues, various bodies of the Council of Europe and by domestic and international human rights organisations.

Prior to becoming Foreign Minister, from 2004-2011 Mr Lambrinidis was a member of the European Parliament elected from the ranks of the PASOK party. He remained silent on the issue of minorities in Greece and in particular, in concert with fellow Greek MEPs, continued to deny the existence of Macedonian minorities in the Balkans.

Mr Lambrinidis’ profile and record demonstrate that he is unfit for the position of EU Special Representative of Human Rights, even if the position has an international (non-EU) focus. There are a number of very fine human rights advocates in Greece; however, Mr. Lambrinidis cannot be counted as one of them.

#####

Established in 1984, the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non-governmental organisation that informs and advocates before international institutions, governments and broader communities about combating racism and promoting human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other excluded groups throughout the world, are recognised, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au, email [email protected] or via +61 3 9329 8960.

Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) has been active on human and national rights issues for Macedonians and other oppressed peoples since 1986. For more information: www.mhrmi.org, twitter.com/mhrmi, facebook.com/mhrmi, [email protected], 1-416-850-7125.

The European Free Alliance – Rainbow is the political party of the Macedonian minority in Greece. The party has offices in Florina/Lerin and Edessa/Voden. For more information please visit www.vinozito.gr, or by email: [email protected] or on +30 23850 46548.


AUSTRALIAN MACEDONIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (AMHRC)
Suite 106, Level 1,
55 Flemington Rd ,
North Melbourne VIC 3051, Australia
Tel/Fax: +61 3 9329 8960
Email:[email protected]
Visit our website: www.macedonianhr.org.au

__._,_.___

[George S.]

Coming Crisis not the Best Time to Join the EU



Igor Siljanoski - 10/21/2011



Now is the absolute worst time for some of the Balkan countries to seek entry into the European Union. The EU is in no mood for expansion and the reason is a major existential crisis looming on the horizon. What is the proof of the gloominess? Well, it is not hard proof as all of the rhetoric coming from the enlargement secretariat is filled with messages that the EU is open for expansion. It is the foul attitude of EU institutions, politicians, diplomats and bureaucrats toward countries that want to join the EU, notably the Western Balkan applicants.

The poster child for EU expansion this time around is Croatia, slated to join in the summer of 2013. Every effort is made to make this accession a success. The message is positive and placated for all to see. The EU is not tired, slow and ineffective but merely more cautious and more mature. The process is hardened but not the promise.

The real message however is sent to everyone else by stark faced diplomats and politicians uttering de facto ultimatums. For Serbia it is the Kosovo issue, for Macedonia it is the indecent proposal to change its name and seemingly identity as well. The Bosnia and Herzegovina’s ultimatum is to make a real country out of an impossible and improbable one. For Albania, the task seems to be basically to reinvent what is perceived as archaic political culture and system. Only tiny Montenegro does not have a fundamental flaw that would bring its hopes to a screeching stop and look for this country to be the next poster child.

Angela Merkel delineated this divide between acceptable and long shot aspirants in her recent visit to Croatia and Serbia. Her messages could not be more different for the two countries. Croatia received as warm a treatment as you can get from a German Chancellor and Serbia got a grumpy old rub with attitude, coldness and body language that said it all. Words were even more scathing. You indeed have to make a choice between recognizing Kosovo as a separate state and joining the EU. Serbs were hoping to hear that the extradition of key war criminals from the Bosnian and Croatian wars was their ticket to get their foot in the door with Kosovo hanging as something that will be resolved in the nick of time before the other foot was in the door. They did not expect to hear a firm raus as a response to such major breakthrough.

The sad story with Macedonia was breaking all dimensions of decency when the EU institutions started a habit of completely disregarding the need to placate their sensibilities about the existence of the Macedonian nation and language and stood in solidarity with Greece. It is hard to discern if this was done as an overall support given to Greece in the midst of a severe financial crisis or it was a turning point in the overall policy.

Either way, the reaction in Macedonia should be transformational. If there was a doubt that the EU would throw Macedonia under a bus for the sake of a member state, the latest EU progress report should totally remove this doubt. Perhaps the EU had it with the conflict and has made a call. Merkel and other key politicians don’t even plan on stepping a foot in the banished land. Maybe cruel to the enthusiastic EU applicant, it nonetheless erases hopes for accession talks anytime soon as the Greeks will only be emboldened by such a stance. Whether the Macedonian state caused this EU attitude or not is irrelevant to the process. It is one less problem for the EU to have on the plate at times of extreme crisis.

The language of the EU reports and appraisals changes to suit the EU agenda all the time. Montenegro became a viable EU candidate state on the wings of such language. It erased worries about corruption and organized crime and every other objective obstacle for EU accession. It is the same language that brought Bulgaria and Romania into the EU fold. Getting into the EU has now nothing to do with hard and defined criteria (as such does not exist or is vague). It is a political decision, mainly by France and Germany. Britain, as it may be the case is not a factor as it supports virtually every EU applicant and has for a long time. The British strategy is that it welcomes the widest possible union as long as it is limited in its depth. The British have long isolated their state form EU integration momentum by not taking part in the Euro and the Schengen agreement.

The problem that is causing these policies in Brussels may not be confined to the insolvency of Greece and the debt ratios in other Euro Zone countries. It is about the end of the European integration process itself. It seems to be halted and working in reverse where it truly maters, in the minds and the hearts of European citizens. What makes it even more troublesome is that the lure of the EU for the small countries standing outside the wall is deteriorating with increasing speed.

Whatever promises the EU and the Euro held in the populations of those not integrated in the EU or the Euro zone now seems unachievable and empty. If Greece, the thinking goes, with its three decades of serious EU attention and re-engineering is on the brink of an economic collapse what chances do other post socialist countries have for achieving anything better?

Many EU officials, analysts and economists now predict that the EU must move toward more integration of current EU members, not less. In other words, to stave the collapse of the Euro, the EU has to come closer to a fiscal union. Have the masters of Europe gotten the concept all wrong? Should the fiscal and political union be the precondition for a monetary union? Economists worth their salt would argue that even if this is not a precondition for a monetary union, fiscal and political affairs must be resolved in favour of a common financial zone. The instruments may vary, from having a transfer union with guarantees of payment of anyone’s debts by all to a common treasury and fiscal policy. Even a complicated system would be preferable to the chaos of the EU fiscal house.

There were heavyweight economists in 1999 who warned of this crisis and the premature end of the monetary union if it was done in a fiscal and political vacuum. Today, the same economists give some room for redemption and salvation of the currency if there is a political will to bring in a fiscal union or a Eurobond like solution. If fiscal closeness is difficult to implement, the transfer mechanism may be impossible to accept. With no further integration, fiscal or otherwise, the EU is likely to lose the Euro and regress from its current achievements. If the Euro fails, bets on the success of the EU itself are not favourable to its existence a decade out.

The crisis with Greece crystallized the true approach of the EU toward its peripheral members and aspirant countries. There is still a core of the union of which Germany and France is the absolute kernel. This brings uncomfortable realization that they used the Euro while it was in their interest and would have no problems discarding the Euro as soon as they find a suitable firewall for their banks and their economies. When these two countries get cold feet the altar is utterly cold and empty, the marriage unconsumed and the future for the union is rather bleak. Luckily, integration so far took a heavy toll on opting for disunity. It is no longer an easy option.

The hope of millions of Europeans living in the peripheral EU states depends on the likelihood that France and Germany in particular would warm up to the ever closer union mantra they have grown fond of over many years and change their mind on further integration. It is not even about a sustained attitude but rather about a mood. Despite their statements, the two countries increasingly seem to favour getting out rather than continuing on the path of EU integration. Being on the fence is also a terrible situation that is clearly noticed in global financial markets.

Negative momentum is a terrible thing when it comes to unity. Yugoslavia is a good example of a troubled unity based on a slogan. The ever closer union now resembles brotherhood and unity, and the 27 countries of the EU strikingly resemble the six republics that parted ways. The most outlandish reply to a light interview question about the future of the Balkans in the EU came from a musician in the 1990’s who stated that either the EU is our future or our fate becomes the EU’s future. Should we brace for the latter?

There are two differences, however, between the EU and the former Balkan power. Yugoslavia had a strong federal government and institutions that disintegrated, allowing the federal structure to fall apart. The EU never developed a strong central government or institutions that would make policy and decisions to surpass those of the national governments. The result is the same, a weak union.

The second, and admittedly a controversial difference is that for geopolitical reasons of the great powers at the time Yugoslavia was pushed over the proverbial cliff. There is no indication that anyone desires to push the EU over a cliff, especially its offspring in America and elsewhere or its economic stakeholders in the East. One interesting scenario is that it would be someone else, other than other EU countries that will bail out the troubled EU countries in the end. It is most likely to happen if the kernel of Europe simply holds hands on a rock surrounded by lava. It is not that the crisis will not be resolved this way but how long will it take for the home to be livable again. It is the ashes in a volcanic eruption that do most of the irreversible damage to property.

Looking at a prospect of a cold night on the grass lawn outside of the EU castle, this is a time to build a better tent and wait until the fog is lifted and the fortress is aired out.

It seems that for these reasons, the EU is experiencing an uncharacteristic diplomatic deficit. The language of the EU representatives in the applicant countries is exposing an unwelcomed EU hypocrisy. The diplomats and the EU supporters will increasingly be isolated and ineffective as no one wants to join a grumpy union that never helped anyone before lining their own interests first. Greece is a prime example of what can go wrong and a warning to would be EU states.

If there is a reason for sadness for countries such as Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Albania it is that they are back where they began, before the dreams of a Slav or Balkan federation and all of the brutal wars and turbulence of the 20th century. The gates of Europe are being erected at a very old frontier. Once ruled by the Ottomans the people in these countries, for a short while, gained some dear friends on the other side of the frontier and thought of themselves as true Europeans. The hope is that if and when EU is healthy again, the smiles on the diplomats will return and the promise of Europe will once again be cozy. At the moment, that tent outside the wall will have to do. To want to enter the EU fortress under the current circumstances is, quite frankly, not rational.

Igor Siljanoski is a policy professional working and residing in Windsor, Ontario, Canada. His previous experience was in the public sector as an economist, economic development consultant and business and financial planner. Igor is lecturing macroeconomics at the St.Clair College of applied arts and science in Windsor, Ontario. Igor holds Masters Degree in Political Science and Honours Bachelor of Arts in International Relations from the University of Windsor, Canada.



Email: [email protected]

[George S.]

Bulgarian Anti-Macedonian Bigotry from an EU MP


Press release issued by OMO Ilinden PIRIN, the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee and Macedonian Human Rights Movement International

Blagoevgrad/Gorna Dzumaja, Melbourne and Toronto, 14/8/2012 - A statement denying the existence of minorities in Bulgaria was made last week to the Macedonian media by an MP of the European Parliament, Andrej Kovachev - a member of the ruling party in Bulgaria (GERB). Similar views have also been recently expressed by Bulgaria’s Foreign Minister, Mladenov. Such an attitude raises the question of how sincere Bulgaria was in ratifying the Framework Convention for National Minorities and aids in explaining its practical non-application in Bulgaria.

The claim that there are no minorities in Bulgaria can be considered to be an expression of fascism, a yearning for a “pure nation”, something which the European Union should condemn as scandalous and unacceptable. Moreover the specific denial by Mr. Kovachev of the existence of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria is not only a flagrant lie but also a severe act of discrimination.

We, of course, support the right of every individual to freely determine her/his identity and we condemn any sort of discrimination on that basis wherever it may occur. This also applies to Bulgarians in the Republic of Macedonia. However, the artificial conversion by Mr. Kovachev, of cases to do with criminal conduct in Macedonia, into cases of “ethnic discrimination” cannot be described as anything other than a conscious and deliberate policy of provocation - a childish attempt to vilify Macedonians and to poison relations between Bulgaria and Macedonia. It also serves as a hindrance to European stability and cooperation in general.

Before it places conditions on others, Bulgaria itself would do well to satisfy those same conditions. The recognition of and according of rights to minorities, including the Macedonian minority, as well as making serious efforts to end hate speech, are criteria which Bulgaria has still not satisfied.

###

OMO Ilinden PIRIN is a political party supporting the rights of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. It has been banned since 2000, despite a 2005 European Court of Human Rights Judgement ruling that the decision was a violation of the European Convention on Human Rights. For more information please visit www.omoilindenpirin.org.

Established in 1984, the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non-governmental organisation that informs and advocates before international institutions, governments and broader communities about combating racism and promoting human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other excluded groups throughout the world, are recognised, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au, email [email protected] or via +61 3 9329 8960.

Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) has been active on human and national rights issues for Macedonians and other oppressed peoples since 1986. For more information: www.mhrmi.org, twitte

[George S.]

Dimitras: No recognition of Macedonian minority unless Athens is pressed by int'l community



Skopje, 11 August 2012 (MIA) - No Greek government will recognize the Macedonian minority until the country is pressed by the international community, says Panayote Dimitras from the Greek Helsinki Monitor in an interview with the Macedonian Radio Television.



"There is not a chance that a government led by Samaras does anything over the issue. This is a taboo topic for all Greek governments. The rejection to register a home of Macedonian culture, despite a judgment by the European Court, is another proof that Greece does not intend to enforce decisions regarding Macedonian associations. Greece will not give in until it is forced by the international community", says Dimitras.



Regarding Greece's failure to respect international recommendations and obligations, he says the EU does not care about human rights, regardless of them claiming the opposite.

"Greece will fight to the very end, until it is forced by some 'troika' for human rights, such as the one for economic issues. Greece probably has the worst record among EU members regarding human rights and minority rights", he adds.



Pertaining to Greece's veto on Macedonia's NATO and EU accession, Dimitras says EU gave Greece that right.



"Since the very beginning, EU member-states gave Greece the right to veto Macedonia's EU accession under the constitutional name and under any other name, including fYRoM. Now it is very difficult for members to change this until one day the European Parliament majority passes a clear resolution that would force the European Council to change its stance or impose pressure", underlines Dimitras.



Imagine all the countries…


Can you imagine UN and EU to be persuaded by…



Mexico - to use the reference the Former British Colonies of United States of America for the USA, because the "America" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the whole geographical area of America?
DR Congo - to use the reference the Former French Colony of Central Africa for the Central African Republic, because the "Africa" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the whole geographical area of Africa?
USA - to use the reference the Former Spanish Colony of Mexico for the United Mexican States, because the "Mexico" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to south-western state of New Mexico?
USA - to use the reference the Former Soviet Republic of Georgia for the Republic of Georgia, because the "Georgia" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to their southern state of Georgia?
Azerbaijan - to use the reference the Former Ottoman Possession of Albania for the Republic of Albania, because the "Albania" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical region with that name in the Caucasus?
Macedonia - to use the reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of Montenegro for the Republic of Montenegro, because the "Montenegro" (in original: Crna Gora) part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the Macedonian region of Crna Gora Mountain?
Sweden - to use the reference the Former Russian Province of Finland for the Republic of Finland, because of the claim that Santa Claus is the "most famous Finn," while Sweden considers this cultural figure as its own?
France – to use the reference the Former Norman Possession of Great Britain for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, because the "Britain" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical area of Bretagne?
Russia – to use the reference the Former Ottoman Possession of Bulgaria for the Republic of Bulgaria, because the "Bulgaria" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical area covered by the historical country with the same name along Volga River?
Macedonia – to use the reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of for Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Serbia, because all of them were indeed republics in former Yugoslav federation, and it's unfair only one of them to carry this identity burden.
No?


Then please raise your voice against the continuous discriminatory use of the "temporary" reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia by both UN and EU when they refer to Republic of Macedonia. Help putting and end to the surreally ridiculous, but very damaging "name dispute" instigated by Greece.

[George S.]

Dimitras: No recognition of Macedonian minority unless Athens is pressed by int'l community



Skopje, 11 August 2012 (MIA) - No Greek government will recognize the Macedonian minority until the country is pressed by the international community, says Panayote Dimitras from the Greek Helsinki Monitor in an interview with the Macedonian Radio Television.



"There is not a chance that a government led by Samaras does anything over the issue. This is a taboo topic for all Greek governments. The rejection to register a home of Macedonian culture, despite a judgment by the European Court, is another proof that Greece does not intend to enforce decisions regarding Macedonian associations. Greece will not give in until it is forced by the international community", says Dimitras.



Regarding Greece's failure to respect international recommendations and obligations, he says the EU does not care about human rights, regardless of them claiming the opposite.

"Greece will fight to the very end, until it is forced by some 'troika' for human rights, such as the one for economic issues. Greece probably has the worst record among EU members regarding human rights and minority rights", he adds.



Pertaining to Greece's veto on Macedonia's NATO and EU accession, Dimitras says EU gave Greece that right.



"Since the very beginning, EU member-states gave Greece the right to veto Macedonia's EU accession under the constitutional name and under any other name, including fYRoM. Now it is very difficult for members to change this until one day the European Parliament majority passes a clear resolution that would force the European Council to change its stance or impose pressure", underlines Dimitras.



Imagine all the countries…


Can you imagine UN and EU to be persuaded by…



Mexico - to use the reference the Former British Colonies of United States of America for the USA, because the "America" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the whole geographical area of America?
DR Congo - to use the reference the Former French Colony of Central Africa for the Central African Republic, because the "Africa" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the whole geographical area of Africa?
USA - to use the reference the Former Spanish Colony of Mexico for the United Mexican States, because the "Mexico" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to south-western state of New Mexico?
USA - to use the reference the Former Soviet Republic of Georgia for the Republic of Georgia, because the "Georgia" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to their southern state of Georgia?
Azerbaijan - to use the reference the Former Ottoman Possession of Albania for the Republic of Albania, because the "Albania" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical region with that name in the Caucasus?
Macedonia - to use the reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of Montenegro for the Republic of Montenegro, because the "Montenegro" (in original: Crna Gora) part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the Macedonian region of Crna Gora Mountain?
Sweden - to use the reference the Former Russian Province of Finland for the Republic of Finland, because of the claim that Santa Claus is the "most famous Finn," while Sweden considers this cultural figure as its own?
France – to use the reference the Former Norman Possession of Great Britain for the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, because the "Britain" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical area of Bretagne?
Russia – to use the reference the Former Ottoman Possession of Bulgaria for the Republic of Bulgaria, because the "Bulgaria" part of the regular name implies territorial pretensions to the geographical area covered by the historical country with the same name along Volga River?
Macedonia – to use the reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of for Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, and Serbia, because all of them were indeed republics in former Yugoslav federation, and it's unfair only one of them to carry this identity burden.
No?


Then please raise your voice against the continuous discriminatory use of the "temporary" reference the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia by both UN and EU when they refer to Republic of Macedonia. Help putting and end to the surreally ridiculous, but very damaging "name dispute" instigated by Greece.


Macedonia marks 109th Ilinden Uprising, 68th ASNOM anniversaries



Skopje, 2 August 2012 (MIA) – The two historic Ilinden holidays – 109 years from the Ilinden Uprising and 68 years from the first session of the Anti-Fascists Assembly of National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) - are marked Thursday at Meckin Kamen in Krusevo and the memorial centre in Kumanovo village Pelince.



President Gjorge Ivanov addressed the central event in Krusevo noting that only united can we realise ideals and create a European Macedonia.



We are again on Meckin Kamen in memory of our Ilinden fighters who fought for justice and freedom; fighters for a better future. We are remembering with great gratitude our famous Ilinden fighters Delcev, Gruev, Karev, Satev, Petrov and Sandanski. We also remember with great respect the participants in the national liberation war and anti-fascists struggle for liberation of Macedonia; Brasnarov, Pitu, Cento, Cuckov, Agoli and many others. We remember the participants of ASNOM who laid the foundations of the Macedonian state in 1944 and to the third Ilinden on Sept. 8, 1991 when a centuries-long dream of the Macedonian people for an independent and sovereign Republic of Macedonia has been finally realised, President Gjorge Ivanov said.



Ivanov referred to the 1913 Treaty of Bucharest, when Macedonia and Macedonians were divided and the Macedonian name and Macedonian language were denied. However, they failed to close the Macedonian issue, he underlined.



To be free means to step on the road of sovereignty, which is lit by our ideals: freedom, justice and dignity. We live in freedom and we are experiencing it strongly. And we are still fighting for justice. Someone today wants to deprive us from our name, language, identity and that’s why the ideal is not realised. We are still fighting for the ideal. We must not be discouraged. We are Macedonians and we speak the Macedonian languages, Ivanov said.

On behalf of the Macedonian citizens I will not accept reports for the Republic of Macedonia where our identity entries are excluded. I as president of the Republic of Macedonia will insist that we be addressed with respect in accordance with international law and universally approved principles, Ivanov said.



Strategic determination of our multi-thnic, multilingual and multi-religious society was, is and will be full-fledged membership in NATO as a guarantee for peace, security and stability of the Republic of Macedonia and membership in the European Union as a precondition for peace, development and progress.



He called on the citizens to remain committed to reforms, to continue to be a factor of stability in the region with a peaceful policy of openness and good-neighbourliness.



I call upon you to create European Macedonia with our own hands, implementing the European values in our everyday life. No one and nothing must and cannot discourage us. It depends on all of us, Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks from all citizens of this country what kind of Macedonia we want to be, Ivanov said.



He also pointed out that only if we are united with a lot of work and by our own strength can we realise the ideals.



We need visionaries who will have views for the future, committed patriots and modern heroes, we need open minded people and not destructive, negative and pessimistic people, Ivanov underlined.



Ivanov appealed for political divisions on a daily basis to stop, because if we focus on strategic goals we will stay on our road that leads to our goals, which unites the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia regardless of their religious, ethnic or political affiliation.



To be Macedonian and citizens of the Republic of Macedonia means to be tolerant and to respect the culture and customs of others, Ivanov said. He also appeals to citizens to build Macedonia as a developed, progressive and democratic country.



Let’s defend the interests of the Macedonian citizens, independence, peace and stability for the prosperity of all. That’s why from this place where the first democratic republic in the Balkans was born, I call upon all of you to unite under the flag of independent Macedonia, President Gjorge Ivanov said.



Parliament Speaker Trajko Veljanoski, addressing the ceremony on the occasion of the national holiday Ilinden in ASNOM memorial centre in Kumanovo village Pelince, said that we should continue to build Macedonia as a successful and eternal story.



The house of Macedonia is built and our holiest obligation is to preserve it. Our ancestors did not leave us a past from which we should be ashamed and that's why we should celebrate it. Macedonia is faced with a constant fight to conquer freedom. This fight today should be led for prosperity, development, higher standards and a better life. Our task as a generation is to lead this fight unyieldingly. Macedonia has always been on the right side, Veljanoski said.

We need unity as never before. Finally I call on all of us to leave our differences behind. To be united in regard to progress. Let’s stand together as our fathers; our grandfathers did, to continue to build Macedonia as a successful, eternal story where democracy and prosperity are our everyday event, which we develop constantly, he said.



The dream succeeded to exist as the Ilinden and ASNOM ideal through Sep. 8, 1991 until the present day and I am convinced that it will exist forever. Because of this let’s here, on Pelince, say together: our identity is our existence, the root of life. Strong and united we continue to make much more because no other path exists. Our task today is to take Macedonia into NATO and the EU. Unity is the path. If there is no unity there will be no progress, Veljanoski said.



Progress is what we are striving for but sometimes it can be hindered by irrational disputes regardless of our will and commitment. Good-neighbourly relations and the spirit of cooperation have no alternative. The Republic of Macedonia has always been committed to the development of relations of cooperation in all spheres with our neighbours. This is a principle, which must be respected. Only in this way can we build a stable and prosperous region, but also economic, cultural and any other progress of each country individually, Veljanoski said in his address on the occasion of Republic Day – August 2.



A Parliamentary delegation laid fresh flowers in the ASNOM memorial centre in Kumanovo village Pelince.



Church bells marked the beginning of the Krusevo uprising on the eve of Ilinden in 1903. About 800 rebels liberated the town, whereas Nikola Karev, who was elected president, declared the Krusevo Republic two days later. The free republic lasted for ten days. Under the command of Bahtijar Pasha, an 18,000-strong Ottoman army attacked Krusevo in order to restore authority. The last gunshots at Meckin Kamen and the killing of voivode Pitu Guli signalled the end of the Krusevo Republic.



Forty-one years later, 115 delegates held the first session of the Anti-Fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) in the monastery, St. Prohor Pcinski, near Kumanovo, confirming Macedonia's social-legal position as an equal federal unit within Yugoslavia. The oldest delegate and witness of both Ilindens Panko Brasnarov opened the assembly, whereas Metodija Andonov-Cento was elected ASNOM President.



The assembly adopted several statehood documents, including the decision to introduce the Macedonian language as the official language in the country, along with the Declaration on the fundamental rights of man and the citizens of democratic Macedonia.

[George S.]

Macedonian Lustration Body Names Informants

Darko Duridanski

Skopje 31 Jul 12 / 16:12:44

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/macedonian-lustration-commissions-names-informants-again

The Macedonian Lustration Commission named 11 people as collaborators with the former police and state security agencies on Monday, under the newly adopted Lustration Law.



The eleven alleged police informants are the same people who had been lustrated under the old law that was scrapped by the Constitutional Court, which ruled that 12 provisions of that law were unconstitutional.



“We reviewed the cases that had previously been overturned by the Administrative Court. According to Article 40 of the Lustration Law those cases met the legal criteria and we ruled on them,” said Tome Adziev, the President of the Lustration Commission, on Monday.

According to Adziev, some of the 11 lustrated people are currently serving state officials, and some are former state officials.



One of them, Vladimir Milcin, the head of the Macedonian Open Society Foundation, published documents on Monday on a local internet portal to try to demonstrate to the commission that rather than collaborating with the ex-Yugoslavian secret police, he was actually being spied on by them.



“Here are the facts. Verify them,” Milcin wrote in his article.

He claims that it is obvious that he was a victim of the police and not a collaborator and announced that he will submit an appeal to the Administrative Court as soon as he sees the Commission decision.



Milcin published documents from his dossier that he obtained in the year 2000 under the Law for Access and Insight of Personal Dossiers.

However, the new law did not end disagreements that have dogged the work of the Commission since its inception.



Cedomir Damjanovski, a member of the commission, says that no one should be publicly named as an informant before the Administrative Court has considered their case.

“There should be a moratorium on the part of the new law that says that the names of the lustrated should be published only through an executive decision [of the Commission], but without a court ruling. I also asked for the principle of the presumption of innocence to be respected”, Damjanovski said.



The new law stipulates that the names and the dossiers of former police informants should be published online, and that all citizens have a right to access the details of those dossiers.

The Constitutional Court scrapped the previous law in late March, saying that it was unconstitutional to oblige people from professions including the clergy, journalists, NGO activists and others, to swear that they had never collaborated with the secret police during the Communist period or afterwards.



There are no longer any specified professions that have to be lustrated, but people are given the right to initiate the lustration process, if they suspect someone of having collaborated with the police.

The Court also said that the law can only apply for the period until 1991, when ex-Yugoslavia fell apart.

However, the new law, like the old, still sets the date for lustration until 2006, which goes against the Constitutional Court’s ruling.



An appeal contesting the new lustration law has been filed again in the Constitutional Court, but the court is currently in recess and will probably discuss the law in September. By then the Commission is expected to lustrate more police informants.

[George S.]

Foreign investments take off in Macedonia

http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setime.../26/feature-02

The Macedonian government's campaign to attract foreign investment is paying off as investments begin to materialise and big-name investors continue to visit the country to examine venture opportunities.

"We [hope to] bring [to Macedonia] as many foreign investments as possible, show professionalism, readiness and flexibility to co-operate," Deputy Prime Minister Vladimir Peshevski said.

On Wednesday (July 25th), the government signed a 415m-euro deal with Canada's EurOmax Resources to build and work the Ilovica gold and copper mine. Last week, the Turkish Cevahir Holding initiated a 300m-euro investment for a luxury residential complex in Skopje's Aerodrom municipality.

Similarly, Germany's Lisa Draxlmaier GmbH will join a local partner in a 35m-euro project to produce car parts in a new facility in Kavadarci, which will employ 4,000 people in the first five years.

Within a year, Draxlmaier will build another factory in Kavadarci, which will supply car manufacturer Mercedes.

Officials said Draxlmaier's choice of Macedonia validates Macedonia's efforts to create attractive investment conditions -- including attractive locations with support infrastructure and amenities -- often government-supplied -- in the seven technological-industrial development zones as well as expeditious electronic paperwork.

"We are practically giving investors land for free," Victor Mizo, director of Macedonia's Foreign Investments Agency, told SETimes.

Analysts said another attractive feature is Macedonia having the lowest taxes in Europe; capital gains and personal income are taxed at a flat rate of 10%. Foreign investors who re-invest the gains are freed from paying taxes.

World-renowned brand companies like Kemet Electronics, Tehnohose and Protek are finishing their factories in the industrial-development zone Skopje 1 -- popularly known as Bunardzik -- and will begin production this autumn.

Others, like the Belgian bus and industrial vehicles producer Van Hool as well as India's Montherson and the US's N to N Fiber, have bought land parcels or are already building facilities in the Skopje 1 zone.

Another aspect of the government's efforts is bringing in some of the world's wealthiest investors -- including Mexico's billionaire Carlos Slim, the Emir of Qatar Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani and Subrata Roy who heads India's biggest employer, the Sahara Group -- to Macedonia to examine the investment opportunities.

"Their presence has a calming effect on troubled regional economies," Atanas Dzurovski, professor of public finance at St Kliment Ohridski University in Bitola, told SETimes.

The investors' visits are followed by company specialists for a closer examination of opportunities which range from developing tourist zones in Macedonia's primary lakeside destinations -- Ohrid, Struga, Prespa and Dojran -- to locations for shooting movies.

"The region should view these forays as opportunities because the world's big players seek to cut costs and seek inexpensive destinations as well as favorable business conditions," Dzurovski said.

He explained that companies from the Middle and Far East and beyond increasingly value Macedonia for having signed agreements on free trade and market access to the EU.

"It is important to put the region on the map for the global investors. The big-name investors tend to look to invest in the whole region once they have established a beachhead," Ljube Trpeski, former governor of Macedonia's national bank, told SETimes.

[George S.]

Macedonia Suspects Boskoski of Unsolved Murder

Sase Dimovski

BIRN

Skopje



News 25 Jul 12 / 08:55:22

http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/macedonia-suspects-boskoski-over-unresolved-murder

Jailed former police minister Ljube Boskoski is the prime suspect for the killing of Marjan Tusevski, who was shot dead by unidentified hitmen 11 years ago in Skopje.

Macedonian police on Tuesday arrested nine other former police officials who are also suspected in relation to the unsolved murder of Tusevski, a figure from the Skopje underworld.

“There are 15 suspects in total. Nine were apprehended this morning and police are still searching for the other six people,” police spokesperson Ivo Kotevski said, adding that four suspects are foreign nationals.

“Three Serbian nationals, Predrag Cubrilo, Milan Ilic and Milorad Kovacevic, are suspected as direct perpetrators of the murder. Criminal charges have been raised against them and we will issue an international arrest warrant,” Kotevski explained.

Boskoski, who still leads the opposition United for Macedonia party, is suspected of having commissioned the murder of Tusevski in 2001, the police say.

He is currently serving a seven-year prison sentence in a Skopje prison for obtaining illegal financial support for his political campaign.

Zoran Trajkovski, Boskoski’s former security chief when he was police minister, is among the arrested.

According to police, Tusevski, who then had poor relations with the then Police Minister Boskoski, was killed by the police. Former officials then covered up the clues and hindered the investigation.

Prior to the arrest, police questioned several people close to the businessman Orce Korunovski, who was later killed in Bulgaria. He was also suspected of having ordered the killing.

“These people informed [the police] that Boskoski gave consent for the killing of Tusevski,” a source from the investigation who wished to stay anonymous told Balkan Insight.

Boskoski denies the claims.

“This is the biggest nonsense that they could have come up with. It was well known that I was in bad relations with Korunoski and he, in fact, threatened me. Tusevski on the other hand was close to the ex-police minister, Dosta Dimovska,” Boskoski said in a telephone statement from Idrizovo prison given to Balkan Insight.

He confirmed that a prosecutor and two police inspector have been questioning him about the murder but he had nothing to tell them, so the meeting ended after 10 minutes.

Boskoski’s wife, Violeta, and his party, United for Macedonia, insist that Boskoski is being framed by the ruling VMRO DPMNE party of Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski.

“Although he was already jailed [in November 2011] in a framed case, the government is now pressuring individuals to appear as protected witnesses and say that Boskoski is behind this murder as well,” Violeta Boskoska said.

Boskoski, who also has Croatian citizenship, is also being prosecuted in Pula, Croatia, for the killing of Pakistani migrants that took place in Macedonia when he was Interior Minister. The trial in the Pula court will take place in October and November.

His family also claims that the Macedonian government has been pressuring people to go and testify as witnesses in that case.

Boskoski was prosecuted by the Hague war crimes tribunal, ICTY, for breaking international humanitarian law in the 2001 conflict in Macedonia, but after four years in detention he was acquitted. During the election campaign of 2011, he was a sharp critic of the Prime Minister Gruevski’s party.

If found guilty, the arrested suspects face sentences ranging from 10 years to life in prison.

[George S.]

Macedonia’s NATO admission as part of wider plan for the region



Washington, 30 July 2012 (MIA) – Greece should allow admission of Macedonia into NATO under provisional reference and all countries from the Balkan region should agree to ensure highest human rights standards for its minorities, US analyst Daniel Serwer writes.



Serwer, who is former US special envoy to Bosnia, presented several proposals for securing stability in the Balkans mainly intended to avoid danger from Balkan borders redrawing.



The Macedonia “name” issue is unique. I can’t think of another situation, current or historical, in which a country wants a neighbour to change its name. It is also a zero sum problem: if Athens gains, Skopje loses, and vice versa, Serwer said adding that best possible solution is Greece to implement 1995 interim accord and to accept 2011 International Court of Justice decision and to accept admission of Macedonia into NATO under provisional reference. Serwer pointed out the calls of redrawing of borders as main reason for concern in the region and considered that name issue resolving should be part of larger regional package which will disable this threat, which according to Serwer is current in all countries in the region and in Cyprus.



This question could lead to an unending series of partitions along ethnic lines, something some of my colleagues in Washington do not fear. I do. Ethnic partition is a proven formula for precipitating violence, death and destruction on a grand scale. All those folks who agree on governing themselves find it difficult to decide where to draw the territorial lines, which is what leads to ethnic cleansing and war. The question is how to stop it, because once it starts it will spread from Kosovo and Macedonia at least as far as Bosnia and even Cyprus, with de jure division of the northern Turkish Republic from the rest of the island, Serwer assessed.



These measures should be explicit and far-reaching, including implementation of the Ahtisaari plan in northern Kosovo, with additional details required worked out in talks between Pristina and Belgrade, admission of Macedonia into NATO as “The FYROM” in accordance with the 1995 interim accord, with explicit guarantees to Greece on its border if Athens wants them, negotiation of EU membership only within a framework determined by central governments (in particular in Bosnia and Kosovo), a fixed time frame for a negotiated end to the de facto division of Cyprus, a region-wide agreement that each state will ensure the highest human rights standards for its minorities, with periodic verification by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Serwer said adding that Germany, Britain and US should support this initiative.

[George S.]

Gallup International: Macedonians most religious in Europe



Skopje, 30 July 2012 (MIA) – Macedonians are the most religious nation in Europe, shows global survey of the Gallup International Religiosity and Atheism Index, which was carried out in Nov. and Dec. 2011 among 52.000 respondents in 57 countries in the world.



Ninety percent of the polled Macedonians responded to be religious.

After nationals of Macedonia the most religious in Europe are Romanians (89%), Moldavians (83%), Poles (81%), Serbs (77%) and Italians (73%).



According to Global Religiosity Index, Macedonians are on fourth place. The most religious are nationals of Ghana, Nigeria, Armenia and Fiji, Gallup survey reads.



Non-believers are mostly concentrated in East Asia, where 47% of the Chinese and 31% of the Japanese say they are atheists and 30% of the Czechs. Survey finds that only 1% of the Macedonians consider themselves atheists. Sk