Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[George S.]

Edmond de Bushi Bell: It's obvious that the Macedonians are not Greeks

http://www.mn.mk/komentari/5471-Edmo...ite-ne-se-Grci

Google Translator

Edmond de Bushi Bell, born on August 23, 1878 in Vezinje, France. Graduated high school in classical Condorcet, and then graduated from the Faculty of Law. As a doctor of law, he was a senior financial officer in Paris, an adviser at the Ministry of Finance, and during World War II occupied a prominent place at the Headquarters of the French Eastern Army in the Balkans.

Upon arrival at the Thessaloniki Front, Edmond de Bushi Bell was able to stay longer bend of Black River, where he remained for six months. Then followed the Army in Island Lake, Lerin, Bitola, Prilep and Skopje, where he ended his life time. He died in Skopje on 20 October 1918.

Edmond de Bell Bushi at that time wrote a book about Macedonia and Macedonians, which after his death was printed in Paris in 1922 under the title: "La Macedoine et Les Macedoniens", (1922 Raridz, 80, IV. 303). Book of Edmond Bushi de Bell, which appears in print, four years after his death, was awarded the French Academy of Sciences. Today, when Greece and Macedonia denied the right to use the name, the book of Edmond de Bushi Bell is interesting and important from several aspects.

Realizing that Macedonia for a long time will be subject to the attention of Europe, Edmond de Bushi Bell tries to give its decision on the Macedonian issue. Based on personal observations and experiences gained during his stay in Macedonia in their records, he concludes that, although the population is similar yet different from Bulgarians, Serbs, and that "Macedonian Slavs are not Greeks." Edmond Bushi not only distinguishes the population in Macedonia, but also as a solution indicates that "the population of Macedonia should be separate as a separate nation whose name would be shortened Macedonians." Such statements and its solution are particularly interesting so you transfer the excerpts from his book where he says:

"Neither yesterday nor today, dates back to the Macedonian question. Makedonija had a long history behind them, in the future will cease to deal Europe. That Macedonia became known to Europe is due mainly to two facts, namely: its geographical position as a crossroads of global routes: one from Belgrade and Novi Pazar through the Vardar Valley to Salonika and the other - the old Via Egnatia from the Durres of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, while as a port of Macedonia and in importance does not stand back from Constantinople and Suez. From Thessaloniki you can rule over the Eastern Mediterranean and Asia over the road.

Another cause is that the population is different by nationality, origin and above it still long implemented tactics of influence by the neighboring Balkan countries, supported by major powers, whose interests are related to the position of the Balkan countries ...

Macedonia has three sets of populated nations. One is the contested nationality of Macedonian Slavs, or, briefly speaking Macedonians who formed the core of the rural population. Then three other nations appear that seek to rule over the Macedonians; Bulgarians, Serbs and Greeks and three of the disputed distant nations: Vlachs, Turks and Jews. But none of these nations inhabit a particular territor, but occur here and there in the country. After all fields of Macedonia encountered a nation of peasants with a Slavic language istochnopravoslavna religion. The Bulgarians consider their own "language and heart," even invoking the Great Bulgaria, created by the Treaty of San Stefano and the name "Bulgarians", under which victims of the Berlin Treaty fought against Turkish slavery. Serbs consider "Serbia" - because the Dushanovata state is sometimes included "the whole of Macedonia", the monuments that have survived the Turkish language and that slavery was "starosrpski" and because the Macedonians worshiped the "glory". Finally come the Greeks, that no decisive importance origin or language, but only the "spirit" and culture, which was Greek, and as the French, for example, could not say that they are not Latin, and for Macedonians could not be said that they are "Greeks."

It's obvious that the Macedonian Slavs are not Greeks. But despite the fact that they have some similarities in nature, religion and language with Bulgarians and Serbs, they are characterized by both of the others. Ask a villager from Ile area, or from Bitola, how he feels, he will answer nine times out of ten: Macedonian! Therefore the Slavic population of Macedonia should be separate as a separate nation whose name would be Macedonian Slavs or part, Macedonians ... "

While French diplomacy has always been well acquainted with the situation in Macedonia, as a major force that played a visible role in the world and influenced historical trends, it played a constructive role in preserving the integrity of Macedonia. Starting from their own interests, often their "sympathy" guided to Serbia and Greece, i.e. those who had a big appetite for Macedonia. Unlike her, French intellectuals have always looked with sympathy towards the Macedonian people.


However, as in the past and today, the issue of any of the EU feel the citizens of Macedonia, they will respond to ten, ten times that they are Macedonians, and that will not change the name. So, as a leading country in the EU, France knows well that Macedonia should once and for all stand on their request nezasitnite Poulain Greece and to help Macedonia become an EU and NATO member.

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 12



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

February 5, 2012



In April, newspapers with news about the Central Committee’s Fifth Plenum and about NOF’s (Peoples’ Liberation Front) Second Congress arrived at the Prenies Refugee Camp in Albania. Lazo, who never passed up an opportunity to go to the camp office, was not feeling well that day so he asked his wife to ask Kuze to go to the office and bring him some newspapers.



“In this rain?…” mumbled Kuze and, scratching his neck, looked out the narrow window. He then asked: “How is he doing? Has he recovered from his cold?”



“It’s nothing. He got a bit of a cold yesterday when he was at the meeting with his superiors. He is complaining a bit about his throat and his nose is running…” replied Lazovitsa (Lazo’s wife).



“It sounds like he was talking a lot,” interrupted Kuze.



“I guess so. You know my Lazo very well. When he starts talking,” she boasted, “only his voice is heard and not even a teacher or a priest can out talk him, let alone this shameless guy, you know the one-armed man from the office who has no shame or subtlety.



“Yes you are right, Lazovitse,” muttered Kuze.



“Kuze, I should go and you can run the errand and bring Lazo the newspapers. He said to bring him both the Greek and Macedonian newspapers. That’s what he said…” trailed off Lazovitsa.



After Lazovitsa left, Kuze stepped outside and noticing that it was pouring rain he stepped back in. His mattress made of straw looked inviting so he lay down and covered himself. Disturbed at the thought of Lazo asking him to walk in the rain just so that he could get his paper, Kuze began to swear and curse out loud: “That bum, so he wants to read the newspaper eh? Why doesn’t he mind his own business, instead of…”



“Who are you talking about?” interrupted Kuze’s wife.



“Lazo, who else?” replied Kuze.



“Well, since he asked you then go,” advised the wife. “What are you afraid of, getting wet? Put this bag over your head.”



“What?” inquired Kuze.



“I said put the bag over your head so that you won’t get wet,” repeated his wife.



“Are you out of your mind? Me with a bag over my head?” replied Kuze.



“Well, we don’t have an umbrella!” complained the wife.



“I prefer to get wet over putting a bag over my head. Those who see me will make fun of me. Got it?” protested Kuze.



Kuze tucked his head into his shoulders, covered his neck with his collar and skipping over the mud puddles ran to the office. From there, with the Macedonian newspaper “ΗΕΠΟΚΟΡΕΗ” and the Greek newspaper “Προς τη Νικη” tucked in his underarm, he went to visit Lazo.



“Lazo my friend,” Kuze complained “you sure found the time to send me to get the papers in this awful rain. Look at me I am drenched!”



“Ok, ok,” said Lazo attempting to calm him down “you are not made of sugar and you won’t melt. My neighbour mentioned that there are some important things about us Macedonians in the papers, so I thought how is it possible that my half literate neighbour knows about these things and we don’t? Give me the Greek newspaper, let me read what they said…. My, my, Kuze miracles are about to happen. Did you know that?”



“Where?” asked Kuze.



“There, in the free territories…” replied Lazo.



“Okay Lazo, enough with the lies…” interrupted Kuze. “What free territories are you talking about? The one that comes and goes through our village? You consider that a free territory? If there is such a ‘free territory’ as you say then why are we here in Prenies, in Albanian territory and not in our own so-called ‘free territory’, ha?”



“There,” continued Lazo, as if he heard nothing that Kuze had said, “our dear Central Committee did a very important thing for us. Finally! I told you, some day a smart person would come along and find a solution for us. Listen now,” said Lazo as he took a deep breath and read to Kuze the Resolution that the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece undertook regarding the Macedonian question.



Kuze stood there with a stunned look and, while staring at Lazo’s eyes, slowly said: “Nothing, I swear, I understand absolutely nothing about this.”



“Well Kuze, you don’t have to understand it. What is there in here, what can’t you understand? Everything is clear. Only comrade Zahariadis can write this clearly. This certainly comes from him. No one else can write like this,” replied Lazo “and what Zahariadis says and writes about us is like he is ‘Our Father’.” Finally God gave us a smart man who is telling us ‘listen, your way is this way!’ He has shown us the way, all we need to do is now follow it. Yes… Isn’t that what I was telling you Kuze, that one day we would create our own Macedonia? So, now the way is open. Zahariadis is very clearly telling us ‘you will create your Macedonia, the way you want to… Bravo Zahariadis. Bravo!” exclaimed Lazo loudly.



“I don’t know, Lazo if that’s the way it is… My mind cannot fathom this… How do we know it is not a clever trick?...” asked Kuze.



Lazo read the part about the Resolution again and placed his finger on the newspaper and proudly said: “There it is, clearly written wiser than what Solomon himself could have done. I told you Kuze, one day a smart man would come along, a great man, a leader… yes a leader!”



“Let it be that way Lazo, but… But to me it seems like something is not right. And why are you boasting and rejoicing? Isn’t it this kind of rejoicing and boasting that divides us? Are we not of the same blood and religion as those in Vardarsko? Dear Lazo, find me a smart person, more educated than the two of us and let’s ask him to enlighten us on this…” replied Kuze.



“There is nothing to be enlightened about,” replied Lazo angrily. “The Party said it and it will be done!..”



“It will be that way because we have no thoughts of our own, our heads are filled with other people’s thoughts and that is how they make fools of us. Who, dear Lazo wants to dance with a fool? Doesn’t it seem to you that someone is playing mind games with us?” replied Kuze.



Lazo angrily tossed the newspaper on the ground and jumped to his feet. “Now I should whack you one!” yelled Lazo “Is that how you feel? You should not talk like that. Do you know who talks like that today? The Contra! I want you to know. The Contra! And don’t push me or I will whack you one across the eyes so that you can see more clearly and if I whack you one across your big mouth then maybe you will speak wiser… Do you understand?!”



“I understand, Lazo, how can I not understand? I understand…” replied Kuze feeling hurt and insulted.



“Come now, don’t be bitter,” said Lazo. “We are just having a friendly discussion…”



Kuze did not reply. He took his hat, bowed his head and left.



The same evening the two met again. Side by side they stood in the line, waiting for the cook to serve food from the cauldron. Lazo was first to speak.



“What do you say, Kuze, can I come to your place after supper for a smoke?”



Extending his metal dish towards the cauldron, Kuze whispered, “The door will be open.”



Later in the evening Lazo and Kuze sat opposite one another and while taking puffs of tobacco smoke, continued their interrupted conversation from earlier.



“I am saying,” said Lazo, “that this is written by Zahariadis. Look how he praises our people? These people, he says, gave all they had for the struggle and are fighting with unprecedented courage and sacrifice, that is why they will have the right, after the victory, to live as they see fit… and even to create their own Macedonian state… Here, see for yourself what it says in ‘ΗΕΠΟΚΟΡΕΗ’… Let me find it. Here is what it says: ‘There is a need by the Congress to declare the Macedonian people’s national question, a people who by their own participation in today’s struggle have the right to form their own independent Macedonian state…’ It also says the same thing in the Resolution of the Second NOF Congress. Did you read it? No? You need to read it…”



Kuze was silent.



“Why are you so quiet?” asked Lazo.



“What can I say now? I told you what I thought earlier and you accused me of being a Contra. You ask me if I read it. Yes I read everything but understood very little. For example, this is what is written about Kostur Region.”



Kuze took the newspaper from Lazo, turned the page and began to read: ‘There is a need for particular district boards to establish unity in the villages in the shortest possible time. It is of importance for personal reasons to stop the whining and establish internal organized democratic life and function. In today’s conditions, this type of shaky situation should not be allowed to continue especially between the various organs and all cadres are invited to establish normality and internal unity of the bodies’. “Okay Lazo, now you explain to me what you got from all this?” asked Kuze.



“Well, what can I tell you, I think this was not written for us, because we are absent from it. We have now been absent from Kostur Region for more than ten months… Right?” replied Lazo.



Kuze did not say anything. He crossed his arms in front of his chest, looked at the corner, shook his head and began to sway back and forth.



“What do you think Kuze?” asked Lazo.



The flame emanating from the candle began to dwindle. The wick was burning out. A few breaths later they found themselves in the dark.



Two months after this conversation had taken place, Kuze and Lazo sat silently on the beam outside the barracks. The sharp smoke coming out of the thickly cut tobacco rolled in a piece of newspaper, torn from the same newspaper which they were reading two months ago, brought tears to their eyes and burned their lips.



“Yes, yes… Who would have thought, eh?” said Lazo in a stretched out tone of voice.



“Ah?” said Kuze.



“Don’t ‘ah’ me, who would have thought?” repeated Lazo.



“What?” asked Kuze.



Lazo spit the bitterness out of his mouth and at the moment when he wanted to explain the meaning of his questions, Numo, the one legged invalid, stopped in front of them. He tossed a newspaper at their feet and, with a slight smile on his face, asked: “Eh brothers, did you welcome the news? Did you read what comrade Zahariadis told the Macedonian cadres? Did you not read? Eh brothers, daydreamers, listen and learn! Zahariadis changed his song.”



“What?!” Lazo asked indignantly. “What song?! What song?!”



“That song, which you comrade Lazo together with this bootlicker here were singing about an independent Macedonian state…” replied Numo.



“It was decided like that during the Plenum, right? Did you not hear?” replied Lazo and asked: “And that song which you are referring to, what happened to that?”



“Well brothers it happened, the big guy gathered all the Macedonian Cadres. He first criticized them and then he told them that the Central Committee’s Fifth Plenum decision regarding the Macedonian question, you know the one regarding self-determination, with which your brains were filled, and the one for an independent Macedonian state, was a mistake. He added that the resolution was taken under pressure from some divisive and treacherous elements at an inappropriate time for the requirements of the revolution, and because of that they should immediately forget the slogan about self-determination and start chanting the slogan about equality... And what? You Lazo, what were you going to say?” concluded Numo.



“Well, if that is what the Party decided then let it be that way,” answered Lazo. “It doesn’t matter what the slogans is, if the Party rejected it, surely it is in its right to do so. And you, Numo or whatever your name is, it is best that you keep quiet and not confuse the people… It is shameful for a fighter, former fighter, to talk like that. Do you understand? Also remember that our existence lies in the hands of the Party… You should know that… And don’t think that you will not be a marked man for what you have said to me…”



Numo left without saying a word and disappeared around the corner of the barracks. But Lazo and Kuze could still hear the creaking of his wooden leg.

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 13



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

February 12, 2012



“Ladies, I came here today to see you, to bring the women of the first battle line greetings from your children who are now in the [Eastern European] countries. I, as head of a delegation, as requested by our comrade Zahariadis who is very concerned, was sent to visit the children. They are all well. How can they not be well when the Party and comrade Zahariadis cares for them like a mother and father? They are happy, very happy. They are joyful, very joyful. They are dressed in new clothing and new shoes. They are fed, well fed. Their cheeks are as red as Prespa apples and pomegranates. Each sleeps in his or her own bed. They have dances, songs and play every day. And food… as much as their hearts desire. What else can I tell you?…” concluded Vera.



“Vera, keep going, keep telling us…” begged Stavrovitsa. “Tell us Vera, did you see my Kirche? Did you see him? He is a tall and handsome boy…” Stavrovitsa could not finish her sentence before her eyes filled with tears. She began to whimper and lost her voice.



Vera was silent. With sad and moist eyes the women looked at her anxiously waiting for her to tell them more about their children; about their loved ones who were sent far away to the countries.



“Vera, please tell me, did you see my Kirche? A tall, slightly blond, handsome boy…?” Stavrovitsa asked again.



No, Vera had not seen Stavrovitsa’s tall, blond and handsome boy. She had not seen Kirche, in fact she had not seen any blond, brown eyed, dark eyed, or blue eyed, tall and handsome boy at all because there were none left there to see. Age of the tall boys was not important, as long as they looked big and mature they were prime candidates for the draft. They were mature alright; war tends to do that to people. Only a short while ago, no more than three or four months ago, all the tall boys were collected, dressed in military uniforms, issued backpacks and heavy boots and readied for shipping out. Then, away from prying sympathetic eyes, they were escorted to a vacant railway station, loaded on empty railway cars and unloaded in Bitola in the dark of night. Again under the cover of darkness they were rushed onto trucks and before dawn were offloaded in a secluded willow tree grove somewhere near Lake Prespa. From there they were taken to Markova Noga where they were given rifles and turned into soldiers.



While marching on the drill grounds in Shtrkovo and Rudari, the boys sang the battle songs and shouted out the slogans they had learned in those distant countries, which for a while they called their second home. Only after ten days of training, the taller, more compact, wide shouldered boys and the ones with firmer legs and shoulders were sent to the front lines to reinforce the fighting units in Mali-Madi and the surrounding mountains. These boys Vera did not see at all. And as long as the women were staring at her mouth and begging for more words to come out, Vera needed to tell them something, but what?... Then, as quick as lightning she thought of a different memory, one she had experienced in Poland. But of this memory she had told no one except for Zahariadis. Upon her return from the countries she went to see Zahariadis and told him this:



“Our children, Comrade Zahariadis are best cared for in Poland. They are located in one of the richest places in the country. There are groves and meadows all around and the entire place is surrounded by flowers and ornamental trees. There is also a large resort equipped with hot baths. Many Poles care for our children. The large number, around one hundred or so, of young ladies that we sent to escort the children also care for them. Some have become their teachers.



I noticed that there are around three hundred or so grown children there, ages 15 to 16. They are strong and able to fight. I called a meeting under my own initiative and informed the children about our successes with our struggle and about the heroic acts of our fighters who courageously fight under your wise leadership. With one word I was able to lift their fighting and revolutionary spirits and they in turn showed willingness and readiness to enter the ranks of our army. We had already started preparations. However, the Poles found out. They questioned me. A tall, bold Pole, I forgot his name, I did not make an exact note, in a calm and confident tone of voice said to me:



‘My superiors authorized me to ask you to inform your top leadership that Poland will not allow mobilization of children ages 15 and 16. We accepted these children and gave them all our love. We are doing everything we can to make them forget the horrors of war. We are striving to restore their smiles and erase the sadness and pain from their faces. We want them to be happy here to play and learn. Tell their parents that we will return their children alive, healthy and well, not as soldiers but as doctors, engineers, architects, professors; as capable people able to rebuild their country from the ruins of war. We will also not allow mobilization of the Macedonian teachers, who the children now call mothers. They will remain here with the children so that they can care for them and teach them their Macedonian language, customs, songs and dances and make sure the children do not forget the traditions of their mothers and fathers… This is the wish of the Polish people and this is what you will pass on to their parents…’



This is what the tall, bold Polish man told me, which made me very angry. I wanted to tell him that at the moment we were involved in a bitter anti-imperialist war against the Anglo-Americans and their Greek lackeys and this kind of talk and behaviour was reactionary, but I held myself back…”



Vera took this as a personal failure. After this, what kind of praises and words of recognition would she receive from the leader? For days now her name was circulating from the centre of DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) Headquarters to the centre of the Politburo. They were all wondering; would she succeed in bringing the teachers, the teacher’s aides and the young boys from Poland to Prespa? That many people would make an entire battalion!



At night, lying down on a braided straw mattress, or on a bag filled with straw, or in a traveler’s bed in some house in one of the Prespa villages, if she even managed to fall asleep, which rarely ever happened, Vera inevitably entered the same dream listening to the words of the tall, bold Pole and felt horrible, awful, troubled, smothered, tortured, caught by the throat. Trapped in a nightmare she felt strangled and then awakened drenched in sweat and shaking with anger. She cursed and swore until dawn with the dirtiest words she could find…



“Vera, please tell us more…” a voice was heard saying.



“What more can I tell you? Only joy! When the children found out we were there, they gathered in a large yard and when they saw us they were all happy telling each other that ‘Aunt Vera was here to see us!’ They were very happy. I went from child to child, stroking their heads and they were very happy and rejoiced. I visited every one and patted them on the head, the youngest I picked up by their underarms, like this, and lifted them up in the air,” Vera lifted her officer’s briefcase, “and others I hugged and held in my lap for a while. They were all happy, joyful… And they, the older ones always asked about the struggle. I told them what I could and they were happy and begged me, asking:



‘Aunt Vera, when you return tell our mothers and fathers, our brothers and sisters to fight the Anglo-American imperialists and their Greek servants, harder and more courageously and not to worry about their own lives and about spilling their blood and to never let the enemy take Vicho.’



That’s what the older children told me and that’s what I am telling you. Ah, before I forget. A boy approached me. I think his name was Done. He said this to me: ‘Comrade Vera, my father was lost in Gramos last year…’ and like this, Done lifted his fist to greet me. I told him: ‘You, Done, should be very happy and very proud and should always feel glad that your father was lost in Gramos. You should be happy and very proud my dear’, that’s what I told him and stroked the hair on his head like this,” Vera stroked her own knee to show the women how she did it. “And then I told him ‘all of you dear children, you must study, you must study a lot. Every letter you learn is a bullet in the heart of our enemies. Make many bullets with your learning so that we can use them against our cursed enemies…’



After that I called a meeting with all the women responsible for the children, you know the ones we sent with the children to look after them. Do you know why I called a meeting with them and why I had to reprimand them? I will tell you. I saw many boys with black patches sewn on the left side of their collar and many girls wearing black headscarves. I was angered by that and I made my feelings known to the women. I said to them, ‘Why are you dressing the children in Black!? You should be ashamed of yourselves’. The women said: ‘Comrade Vera it is not us who are doing this… The children learn of those who perished from the letters they receive from their mothers… The children are simply mourning the loss of their loved ones, according to our customs…’



Ladies now I am going to be mad at you,” said Vera with a raised voice. “Don’t write your children telling them about who was killed. It is you who are dressing your children in black, right? Okay, but from now on you are not going to write them, agreed? You should write to them about our heroic struggle, about the heroism of their fathers, brothers and sisters, and let them know that we are fighting the enemy on all fronts and we are winning. You should also write to them and encourage them to study and learn so that when they grow up they can take their place with pride in the front lines of the struggle. Let the children now play and be happy, let them learn and you here, together with all our people do everything we can not to allow our enemy to take Vicho.



And do you know what else I noticed in our children? I noticed that they hardly know anything about our comrade Zahariadis. They know about Stalin, Tito, Enver, Dimitrov, Rakochi, Dezh, Gotvald and about this Pole, what was his name, Bairam or Biro? No. What was his name? It’s on the tip of my tongue and I am sure it starts with a ‘B’, but why can’t I remember the other letters, I don’t know? Anyway, it is not important. What is important is that the children must know about out greatest son and leader, comrade Zahariadis. For that I instructed the teachers. And when I returned from those countries I went to АГИТПРОПОТ where I found our poet, I think his name is Paskalevski. I took him aside and told him: ‘You constantly write poems about the birds, the grass, the stars and the moon. Poets in the entire world,’ I said to him, ‘write about Stalin, people in Yugoslavia have ripped their throats singing songs about Tito, but our children out there in the countries and our people here in the mountains and in the hills and in the free territories know nothing, not even a single poem about our beloved and greatest son and leader, comrade Zahariadis? Aren’t you ashamed,’ I yelled at him and asked him, ‘why haven’t you written anything about our dear Zahariadis?’ The poor man lowered his head and kept quiet. I told him not to worry and asked him to now write something. He took my advice. So I gave him a revolutionary task to write a poem about Zahariadis, the kind that can be recited in four voices. The first to ask who Zahariadis is and the others to answer it. And the four voices to stand in four places, I think four sides. For example one voice on this hill, the second on that hill, the third on the hill past that and the fourth way beyond there. That way the voices will echo on four hills and in four winds. And there in АГИТПРОПОТ I told them when the poem is ready, to publish it and send it to all the countries, to the villages in the free territories and occupied territories, to the combat units, to the front line and to you the workers here who are responsible for preventing our enemy from passing over Vicho.’”



Vera stopped talking. She looked around expecting applause from the women. Disappointed she then said: “And now we should talk a bit about your assistance.”



Vera took a notebook from her officer’s leather briefcase, placed it on her lap, and then looked at the women sitting in front of her for a long time. She coughed slightly, opened the notebook and with a formal tone of voice began to read:



“For the people’s hospital, the women from the village Zhelevo willingly and happily donated 10 woolen bedcovers, 17 shirts, 17 facecloths, 7 pairs of socks, 9 pieces of clothing, 2 white aprons, 56 plates, 85 forks, 49 spoons and 17 cups.



The women from the village Gabresh donated 20 white pillows, 9 woolen pillows, 1 bed, 2 woolen bedcovers, 1 area rug, 8 cups, 2 water bottles, 11 forks and 7 chairs.



The women from the village Posdivishcha donated 1 bed, 4 sheets, 17 facecloths, 2 pairs of socks, 29 plates, 19 cups, 2 shirts, 11 spoons, 2 water bottles, 1 frying pan and 3 kerosene lamps…”



Vera paused. Then after coughing several times, she licked her finger and turned the page and resumed reading:



“The village Oshchima donated 62 forks, 35 spoons, 39 plates, 5 aprons, 8 pillows, 10 shirts, 3 sweaters, 3 pairs of underwear, 10 facecloths, 2 meters of fabric, 1 pair of pajamas, 4 woolen bedcovers and 2 empty sacks.



The village Drenoveni donated 3 facecloths, 2 shirts, 5 pullovers, 1 pair of slippers, 2 frying pans, 4 chairs and 1 water bottle. In the village Tsrnovishta we collected 18 plates, 6 pairs of socks, 4 facecloths, 2 sweaters, 13 pillows, 9 cups, a bed, 1 woman’s dress and 1 chair…



For our brave troops from the village D’mbeni we collected 15.5 oki (Turkish measuring unit heavier that a kilogram) of flat breads, 17 oki of granular pasta, 22 oki of beans, 38 oki of onions, 72 oki of potatoes, 164 oki of bread, 1.5 oki of pork lard and 12 pullovers and 30 pairs of socks.



In the village Labanitsa the following voluntary donations were made for the Democratic Army of Greece (DAG): 65 oki of grain, 45 oki of potatoes, 23 oki of beans and 10 oki of lentils. The women from the village Lagen, 70 in total, donated their labour and cleared the road from Lagen to Bapchor to make the trip of our fighters easier. The women from Lagen also donated 700 oki of grain and 6,000 oki of potatoes. The people of Rudari donated 47 eggs, 1 oka of pork fat, 10 oki of flour, 43 oki of cheese, 1 oka of tobacco, 4 oki of onions and 1 lamb, for the people’s hospital…



Vera paused her reading for a moment and said: “The assistance we received is not as good as last year’s, right?



“Well, last year,” offered Sotiritsa, “we had more so we gave more…”



“That’s true,” confirmed Vera with sudden vigour in her voice. “Ah, here is the photographer. Hey you, you, give me your revolver and the hat,” and after strapping the revolver around her waist and putting the hat on slightly crooked she said, “and you women, go to the side, over there, a little that way so that the mountain will be in full view. Now my friend Marika and I will have our picture taken… Like this?” she smiled and they all saw her gold tooth which she had acquired in Bitola a while back.



“No, no, from this side,” she adjusted herself, turned her face, smiled, looked at the distant mountains from top to bottom, then looked at Vicho and Mali-Madi. Her golden tooth sparkled with her wide smile.



“Hold it,” yelled the photographer, “look at the birdie here!”



“Ah, that’s good, a picture for the history books… And you women be patient, be patient for a while longer. Freedom is on its way. A little bit longer and it will be here, before you…”



There was silence. Everyone was quiet.



“But what will freedom mean when everything is destroyed? My son is dead, my daughter is crippled, my home has been burned down, there is nothing left of our livestock, you took our sheep, goats and horse for the struggle, our fields have not been ploughed, the soil is poor and barren, everything you asked us, Vera, to give we gave for the sick, for the hospital, for the struggle. I, as you can see, am now all alone here and can’t seem to distance myself from carrying logs… What use to me is this kind of freedom,” insisted the woman, “when everything is desolate?... You know that…”



“And with whom,” another voice was heard from the other side, “with whom am I going to share this freedom here where it is desolate. Everything is empty and what kind of freedom will it be in this emptiness?”



“My husband is locked up on some island…” another woman complained.



“Why fret so much?” Vera yelled. “He is not the only one on the island! The islands are full of our people. They too we will free. Once we win up here at Vicho we will free them too, we will push our enemies out and force them back all the way to Athens. When that happens I will be the first to free your husband and sit him here on your lap… I will do that for you, I promise you… Only please don’t pause when you are carrying logs because that’s how you block progress… Do you understand me?”



“I,” said Tina “have two girls who carry rifles. And you, I see, don’t even carry a pistol…”



Stavrovitsa leaned towards Tina and whispered in her ear: “Don’t say that, she does carry a gun but as an ornament, for showing off…”



“One of my daughters,” continued Tina, “is 19 years old and the other only 17…”



“How is it Vera that they,” uttered Stavrovitsa “did not collect you like they collected our daughters?”



“I am from High Command and people like me fight on different fronts. And this is the truth. Last year when the NOF (Peoples’ Liberation Front) and AFZH (Women’s Anti-Fascist Front) cadres were mobilized, Iannidis personally told me that there was no law for mobilizing women…” replied Vera.



“You are saying there is no law? He told you that?” inquired Stavrovitsa.



“That is exactly right.” said Vera.



“And that is why you don’t have to carry a rifle?” Stavrovitsa again inquired.



“Exactly like that,” replied Vera.



“So with which law did you draft the two young ladies? One 19 and the other 17. Under which law?” inquired Tina loudly.



“I told you there is no law for the women, I did not say there is no law for young ladies…” Vera replied angrily and changed the subject: “I want you to know that the entire assistance our people provide, they provide it for our victory. And victory, dear women, is not far…”



At that moment a horse was heard neighing. Vera jumped to her toes and yelled out: “Get up! Get up! Look over there! Do you see the horse? It looks like a red horse, yes, red… It is running, it is running towards us! You see? It is running… That horse is carrying our victory! Victory, dear women, is coming; it is coming riding on a red horse… Look? It is coming towards us to give us the news that our enemy will never cross Vicho!”



Just at that moment a man came out of a bunker on the opposite side of the hill and at the top of his voice began to yell: “Hey you down there, the commander’s horse is running towards you! Turn it back! Hey you over there! Turn it back because it is headed straight for the mine field!”



Moments later there was a thundering sound and dirt flew up in the air. Vera went pale and tucked her head into her shoulders. The Unit Commander ordered them to collect the horse’s remains and take them to the kitchen.



Vera did not stay for dinner. She left with her courier and stopped off at Zhelevo for the night. Then while spooning her diluted lentils into her mouth, on top of which she had broken up chunks of unsalted rye bread, she began to write:



“I am in Zhelevo. Stop. I gave a speech at a popular rally close to the battle line front. Stop. In attendance were the women from the working brigade. Stop. I raised their fighting and revolutionary spirit with strong revolutionary words. Stop. I will rest a while now and afterwards I will head on to the designated place. Stop. I greet you with revolutionary greetings. Stop. Death to fascism – freedom to the people. Stop. All to arms – everything for victory. Stop. Vera. Stop.”



She folded the page four times, gave it to the courier and said: “Tomorrow early in the morning take it to the designated place. Understand?”

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 14 – Part 1



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

Febrary 19, 2012



It was announced that a letter from Mihail Keramitchiev and Ilia Dimovski – Gotse, dated June 2nd, 1949, had arrived for Zahariadis at the headquarters of the CPG (Communist Party of Greece) Central Committee in Mala Prespa. It took ten days for the letter to arrive.



Zahariadis was expecting the letter, but not what it had to say. After reading it he called a meeting with his closest associates and read the letter out loud to them. He then made comments about each item he had read, emphasizing that everything in the letter was a slanderous lie and that the entire letter was directed against the Party. He then concluded that the authors of the letter should be strongly condemned. “Comrades what do you think?” he asked.



“I, comrades,” offered Vlandas, “fully support comrade Zahariadis. The letter is not only directed against our Party but it is also slanderous against our democratic movement and the struggle we are leading.”



“We should call an emergency meeting with the Central Committee,” proposed Porphirogenis, “and decide…”



“Call a session with the Central Committee,” interrupted Partsalidis, “such disgusting slander cannot remain without a very strong response.”



“Comrades, there is no need for this to be discussed by the Central Committee,” interrupted Zahariadis. “We don’t need to give it importance, significance and weight or debate with the Central Committee the lies these traitors and deserters are spreading. I propose that we make the contents of the letter known to the Macedonians. Let the Slavo-Macedonian Cadres of NOF (People’s Liberation Front), AFZH (Women’s Anti-Fascist Front), the Commanders of DAG (Democratic Army of Greece) and the seven or eight members of KOEM (Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia) know what’s in the letter. Nearly all of them are familiar with Keramitchiev and Gotse. After all, they founded NOF and AFZH together. Let us invite them to a meeting and familiarize them with the contents of the letter and let them condemn these traitors and deserters who wrote this slander. We will help them with the condemnation by giving them intellectual and moral support. In fact, to make it easier for them to condemn these traitors, we will write a resolution for them and have them sign it. Afterwards we will make the resolution public by announcing it over the radio and publishing it in the newspapers…”



Even though the cave, located between the village Nivitsi and Orovo, was too small to fit the 45 or so KOEM activists, DAG political representatives and Unit Commanders, it was chosen as the place to hold the meeting.



They all knew they would be meeting with Zahariadis so some felt satisfied, thankful and proud to have the rare privilege to meet the legend of their own creation. The strong grip of the hand and the cheerful smile were all indications of such sentiments.



Others, on the other hand, received the news with some suspicion. In any case, almost everyone either knew everyone else or had heard of them.



The cave was buzzing with conversation thundering through the grove. Two lamps giving off pale light made the inside of the cave visible as guests began to arrive. Two people from security services were doing their rounds checking everyone. There was a faint smell of mold inside the cave and a huge portrait of Stalin hung on the front wall.



There was only one table in the place, covered with a red tablecloth, and beside it were four chairs. There were however many benches made of rough cut boards.



Zahariadis, Portsalidis, Vlandas and Bardzotas entered the cave at a quick pace and took their place at the table. Everyone stood up and the place went silent as people looked at each other. A fly was heard buzzing in the cave when suddenly a loud voice thundered in the middle of the cave calling out: “Long live comrade Zahariadis!” It was Vera.



Zahariadis stood up, raised his arm and threw a sharp glance at everyone. They understood the look – the meeting was not a rally. There was silence. Then there was anticipation. The laughter died out and so did the smiles from people’s faces. Now there was only the worm of doubt scratching. Vera stood wide-eyed, frozen with her mouth gaping wide open. The awkwardness was interrupted by Zahariadis who first started speaking quietly and later raised his voice.



“This acting body of KOEM is assembled here under the initiative of the CPG Central Committee Politburo. The reason for the assembly is a letter sent to us by the traitors and deserters Gotse, Dimakovski and Keramitchiev. We will familiarize you with the letter to which we will need to respond. The CPG Central Committee has proposed a resolution for the traitors Gotse and Keramitchiev with which you need to become familiar and adopt.



Among those present I don’t believe there is anyone who does not know Gotse or Mihali. That’s right Mihali is what they called Keramitchiev; Mihali from Gabresh and Gotse from Statitsa, both from Kostur Region, now living in Skopje.”



Perched at the head of the table, with his certain gaze, Zahariadis had everyone under his control. It was as if he had caught them in his spider web. No one dared to even move, not even breathe loudly. Only the damn fly could be heard buzzing and buzzing and buzzing as it flew around inside the cave… They thought, as he stood before them looking over them with that piercingly menacing look, what had happened to those peaceful, familiar smiling eyes they had seen of him in so many of his photographs? On top of that they were also bewildered as to why he did not greet them with the familiar “comrades”…



“Your conference today,” echoed Zahariadis’s voice inside the cave, “extends the circle of aspiration of the Macedonian people towards their struggle and their liberation…”



He paused for a second to tell everyone that those who wanted could take notes.



Kole quickly opened his officer’s briefcase, took out a notebook, leaned over to the person next to him and quietly whispered: “What is the date today?”



“June 12th…” he whispered back with a terrified sounding voice.



“The formation of the Communist Organization of Aegean Macedonia (KOEM),” continued Zahariadis, “was a serious, decisive and definite step in the struggle. KOEM was created in a time full of hope and at the same time full of difficulties. With Tito’s betrayal the people of Aegean Macedonia experienced strong fears, much stronger than those of the Greek people. With this betrayal some hopes and dreams collapsed and KOEM is now going over the ruins to fix them and to build new buildings which will result in the creation of a multitude of hopes.



Before KOEM’s formation our difficulties with the struggle were great, but in some respects we can say that these difficulties have prompted the formation of KOEM. Here we should also mention that with the creation of KOEM we cleared up some old accounts. The Macedonian nation was created, developed and cast off with its own national revolutionary mission, traveling a hard road and breaking barriers such as the Ilinden Uprising, whose anniversary we celebrate to this day. The aim of all these necessary historic struggles is to create a free People’s Republic of Macedonia which will follow the road of socialism and communism.



In a historical reversal of this history the Macedonian nation found itself without a helmsman. Our movement, even before the occupation and to some degree the serious difficulties experienced, is to blame for that. And now the question is, ‘why doesn’t this leadership have a helmsman?’



Well, because we have had external interference in the people of Aegean Macedonia’s national democratic movement development processes. We have had external interference from Tito’s opportunistic and chauvinist clique, which explains the absence of a helmsman.



The Macedonian people followed the road to their revolutionary development together with the Greek working people led by the Communist Party of Greece (CPG) and with all the mistakes made and weaknesses experienced in the past, we had much success in establishing proper policies that took root in the Macedonian people. Our alliance with the Macedonian people is necessary for the successful execution of the revolution, for victory and for the creation of a People’s Republic in our country. This way our movement won the missions on the road to victory. But, the movement in our country because of economic, political, geographic and military reasons encountered certain specific difficulties, especially during and after the Second World War, which needed to be evaluated and removed.



The Red Army liberated South-Eastern Europe and the Balkans, but the English entered our country. That, for us, was the main difficulty. The various conditions which existed, emphasizing particularly the relations between the powers in the Second World War and afterwards, increased our specific difficulties creating a need for another resistance.



These difficulties were used by imperialism. But, outside of them, new ones appeared for which the Macedonian sector KOEM will play a big role to overcome.



So, what happened? We need to reply clearly. The problems appeared when our two nations were fighting. Tito and his nationalist, chauvinist program undermined and broke our unity. He used the party cell of the Macedonian People’s leadership and from it he created his own authority and without doubt broke the national democratic movement in Greece. That which the Anglo-Americans were doing before, Tito is doing today. He strives to secure a base in South-Eastern Europe. We can conclude from this that Tito’s work evidently began in 1943. But here only now he is clearly revealed as an Anglo-American authority and bearer of their goals in South-Eastern Europe working against the Soviet Union. Under the guise of communism, Tito was posing as a friend which had a decisive influence on the leadership of the Macedonian people’s struggle. Tito strove to place his own chauvinistic policies in NOF in order to bring it under his own authority and to lead it into splinter…



The truth is that you were not the only guilty party in the 1944 split. The CPG is also guilty. It truly was a mistake, but Gotse had no right, on account of some of our mistakes, to take the army and leave for Yugoslavia. You needed to think like communists and fight in the ranks of the CPG. In the past, however, the NOF leadership failed to meet its set duties, it did not make any effort to organize its work to systematically begin to address the implementation of tasks for a comprehensive assistance of DAG, especially in recruiting men and women for DAG, food and other assistance, transfer of weapons and wounded, etc.



NOF not only did not make any progress in its massive political and ideological work, it primarily invested its energy in dealing with fractious issues such as the rivalry between Keramitchiev and Mitrovski struggling for a higher position in the leadership, which resulted in organizational stratification. The fractious struggle that erupted between the leading Cadres of NOF – Mihailo Keramitchiev and Paskal Mitrovski, led to a split in the leadership of NOF. The leadership became divided into two opposing groups which is a reflection of how the Slavo-Macedonian nation is leading the struggle. This is a reflection of its character and awareness and of the authority of the CPG.



And in place of NOF taking a firm line, it busied itself with internal strife, quarrels and reciprocal slandering. To sort out its problems, NOF solicited assistance for help and advice from the outside with which it became a spy-ring impeding the implementation of the CPG line the result of which caused trouble and inflicted damage on the general democratic movement in the country. But even after NOF came under the leadership of the CPG, it continued its links with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. You were not honest towards the CPG and you did not help it. They worked in Aegean Macedonia and still had connections to three spy rings – one with OZNA (People’s Security Agency), another in the Information Service and a third with Kolishevski, which controlled the remaining spy rings. Today these imperialistic and chauvinistic aspirations of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) have been uncovered and for that we have the documents in our hands.



Zevgos’s assassin was an agent of OZNA who passed through Skopje. All agents submitted written statements. When last year we imprisoned two agents in Prespa and asked the CPY if they were its people so that we could free them, the CPY said no, so we executed them. That was the end of the agents. The CPY uses you and at the end sacrifices you. The Party, on the other hand, wants to help you and save you. Terminate all connections with the CPY and pull yourselves away ideologically. The CPY has connected itself to the imperialists and has turned against the Soviet Union and the people’s republics. Today those communists who have openly expressed support for the Inform Bureau have been thrown into prison where they are tortured and destroyed. If any of the prisoners sign a statement against the Inform Bureau, abandon their convictions and agree with Tito’s line then they are immediately freed. They are using similar tactics to those used by the fascists during the Metaxa era when prisoners were forced to sign political declarations against communism. They wanted to use Markos’s case, for which Piade wrote an article in which he praised Markos, but Markos responded with a letter of his own.



The national question is the reserved strength of the struggle. According to the conditions it either gains ground by setting the daily agenda or it is again left behind… The position on self-determination that we adopted was premature because it was adopted before the creation of the conditions. We adopted that position under pressure from the Tito regime. Tito’s agents agitated the Macedonian masses and the masses in turn challenged us with the desertion of Gotse and Keramitchiev. The stand we took caused us a lot of harm. The reaction, based on my attitude, has strengthened their ideological front. In the various camps where various fighters and patriots were imprisoned, the Monarcho-Fascists came and told the prisoners that we sold Macedonia, that we were fighting for foreign interests and as a result many, under pressure, were forced to sign statements against the CPG and DAG. The CPG always, as it is now, is fighting for the freedom of the Macedonian people. The traitors who wrote this letter and had no courage to sign it, are accusing us of supposedly having made some written agreement. Such an agreement with NOF does not exist…



Tito did everything against the victory of the People’s Republic of Greece and that’s why he is fighting with such rage against the CPG. His aim is to implement the aggressive Anglo-American policy. The fact that a strong political line exists among the Aegean Macedonians has enabled and has helped his deed…”



Zahariadis paused, placed his hands on the table, looked up and stared at everyone with a long, shrewd and untrusting look. He then said:



“As I pointed out at the beginning of my speech, the CPG’s Central Committee has prepared a resolution for you to authorize and confirm with your signature. This is your chance to condemn the treacherous role and activities of the deserters, national chauvinists, Tito’s agents and breakers of our unity. On the table you will find the text of the resolution and a list of your names...” rang out his cruel, voracious and authoritative voice.



To everyone it seemed like the voice of the leader echoed in the distance, came back and hung over them like a hot, sharp knife spinning over their heads, darkening their cognitive abilities, muddying their awareness and stiffening their thoughts.



Kole felt chills all through his body. It seemed to him like he was attacked by an entire ant colony crawling all over his body. He bowed his head low and barely noticeably wiped the sweat from his forehead. In the scorching heat of the night filled with the smell of sweat and mildew, quietly, with a lowered, frowning, muddy look on their faces and with bowed heads, clenched in their tight shoulders, all of them, all forty-five cadres of NOF, AFZH and DAG, who, a few months before were inducted into KOEM, now in front of the leader were feeling very guilty. They looked helpless in their movements. They dragged their stiff legs towards the table. There was a look of bitterness, alarm, anxiety and endless dismay on their faces… They listened to Zahariadis’s report to the end and not a single one of them said a word. They listened but could not believe what they had heard.



In front of them, like thunderbolts in the middle of a storm that came and fell hard and angry, threatening and abusive, cruel and disturbing, were words – some more dangerous than others – threaded one after the other like machine gun bursts. It seemed that he, the leader, had slapped countless blows with both his hands. Staying in line, they obediently approached the table and looked for their name on the list…



That day, June 12th, 1949, all forty five invited leaders and activists of NOF, AFZH and KOEM, standing one behind another, signed a pre-prepared resolution.



There was silence. Only the creaking of the rotten boards could be heard under the pressure of heavy shoes and military boots. No one looked anyone in the eyes. They exited the cave all sweaty, silent and scared, with their heads bowed. They spit a bitter spit as they inhaled fresh air. A tall and slender man wearing a military uniform without markings leaned over to the man closest to him and whispered: “What shame was this? When I listened to him it felt like he was reading a death sentence and when I signed I thought I had signed that death sentence… What shame, what humiliation…” They separated without saying another word.



Missing from the talks were the smiles and the hard grip of hands. It seemed like they were not the same people as yesterday. Only a few of them, stood aside, argued, but up here away from Kole and Krste, where they could not be heard. And those two did not join the others. They tightened their belts, threw their backpacks on their shoulders and left.

[George S.]

The Great Lie – Chapter 14 – Part 2



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

February 26, 2012



The security people checked their passes and pointed them in the direction of Vineni. They walked one behind the other until dawn and not a word was exchanged. Further down they took the same narrow and steep rocky path which only yesterday took them up hill, but today perhaps from fatigue or from the long trip or the long day of excitement meeting with the leader, the road seemed to be much steeper. The sleeping waters of small Lake Prespa reflected the dim moonlight of the full moon. The mooing of a cow was heard coming from Sveti Aihil Island. A bird was heard squawking in the coastal reeds. The sky over Mount Bela Voda and beyond, over Lisets, began to take on a pale pink colour. They were in Peroo by the time the sun came up. Here was another checkpoint where they were required to show their pass. By noon they were on the road to Preval. To the left of the road was an oak forest where axes could be heard cutting trees. Uphill were two pairs of oxen pulling a large oak trunk. Further up, on the bare hilltop, the base of a bunker being built could be seen. Fresh trenches were dug to the left and right of it.



“They are digging everywhere,” said Kole and after a long sigh he continued, “we have ploughed all the mountains… We have changed their character. They no longer look like our mountains or like trenches, not even like bunkers… They are ugly…”



“We did it so that our enemy could not cross Vicho,” Krste responded and continued to walk.



Those were the only voices that were heard this far as they came to an intersection on the road, which on the left headed for Zhelevo and on the right for Rulia. They stopped.



“Now what?” asked Krste.



“Why don’t we rest under that pear tree by the river?” replied Kole.



They crossed the road and walked through the meadow to the other side. A few steps later they were in the shadow of the pear tree. They unloaded their backpacks from their shoulders and took their boots off. They dipped their hot and tired feet into the cold mountain water. A hawk appeared high above the forested hills. It flew in circles. They muddied the clear water with their, for who knows how long, unwashed feet as they watched the hawk fly.



“It looks like we have harvested our grapes…” said Kole in a stretched out tone of voice.



“What?” asked Krste.



“That, which our leader read to us…” replied Kole.



“Yes… He scolded us…” said Krste.



“Was that appropriate? I swear on my mother’s life I heard what he said but I don’t believe what I heard. I don’t know if you are going to believe me, but the entire time he was speaking, it seemed like he was passing judgment on us and while I was signing my name I thought I was signing a death warrant… Is this not shameful for us, not for you and me specifically, but for our devoted people who have become a burnt offering, to be so harshly accused like that? Did you see how he stared at us? Did you see how much scorn there was in his eyes? Did you see how he was shaking his finger? NOF he said is a spy ring. In other words, all those who lit the fires, who strengthened the spirit, who ignited the coals, who sparked the flames and jumped into them, were all agents?



Are we not the ones who went from village to village, from house to house carrying the torch of great hope? Who would he and those around him be if it were not for us?! We and no one else, we and our simple people raised his name, made him great, celebrated him and turned him into a god! Are we not the ones who planted the faith of him into our people and persuaded them to join the struggle on his behalf…? It took great courage to defend Gorusha and Krusha, Nikoler and Amuda, Alevitsa and Charno for seventy days and nights. It took great courage for old men and women, working for two months delivering hundreds of horses and mules loaded with ammunition from Prespa to Gramos during the night. It took great courage to march on a long march from Koreshta, over the Lerin plains to Voden and Negush. It took great courage to engage the enemy in the battle for Lerin…



Was it courage or madness?! And what was it that we signed today? And because of it did we not just enter the great descent? And who knows where it will take us? You were not at the Congress in Nivitsi. It took courage for a simple village woman to go on stage and throw a burst of burning questions at Zahariadis. Who, since then, has had the courage to question him?” concluded Kole.



“And what did he say, I mean Zahariadis?” inquired Krste.



“What did he say? Wait, I have it written down… Ah, here it is. ‘I from here, from this podium,’ he said, ‘promise, I promise to all the Slavo-Macedonian mothers who lost their most beloved children and most solemnly promise that we will win the struggle, we will win it because with these kind of fighters, the kind born of the Slavo-Macedonian people, it is impossible not to win and for certain we will win; I promise you that. I promise you,’ he continued, ‘but my promises will mean nothing if you don't fight and sacrifice yourselves and show examples of courage, self-sacrifice and devotion. Exactly for this reason about a month and a half ago our Party, during its Fifth Plenum, made a decision by which you, the Slavo-Macedonians, as a result of DAG’s victory and the success of the people’s revolution, will earn the right to self-determination, which means you can have your own country in which all Macedonians can unite…’



This is exactly the answer he gave the woman and this is exactly what he told us. And this is why we ripped our throats cheering and calling out slogans and swelled our hands clapping to praise and honour him… And now that I think about it, I constantly ask myself how did this person manage to turn us into a single voice, a single fist and to be used at his will? How did he manage to sow into us such vast, unlimited, unconditional, immeasurable, huge, deep, persistent, unbreakable and blind trust and faith in him before everything, so that when his name is mentioned we feel hope, like being rescued and a sense of security. How did he do that? Do you know?” asked Kole.



“I don’t know, but I want to ask you something. You, the activists of NOF and AFZH, all this time, where have you been and where are you now? And let me ask you, did you ever, at any time, make any decision without his knowledge or approval? Did you ever speak publicly without his knowledge?



I did not attend the First or Second NOF Congress but let me ask you, were your articles, speeches, decisions, positions and even the lists of delegates attending the Congress and those NOF delegates being voted in, not personally selected and approved by him? Can you recall, outside of yelling out slogans in his honour, ever doing anything without his knowledge and consent…? Why the silence? So be silent… and save your notebook… Keep writing in it… write some more… maybe someday your notebook will talk back to you…” concluded Krste.



There was silence. Only the flow of the crystal clear mountain water could be heard gently rushing down the stream. There was something flying high above the hills but it did not look like a hawk or an eagle. Kole licked his finger and flipped the pages in his oily and dirty notebook. He paused and asked:



“Is that what you think? Maybe you are right. We worked along the Party line directives. Do you understand what is meant by ‘party discipline?’ It is more than just an order. Tomorrow they will curse us, not him, for the senseless loss of so much young life, for the burned houses and for the torn up life… We made our people homeless… Do you see how we are divided and some of us have taken his side and argue that he, our leader, is right?



He attacked Keramitchiev and silenced Mitrovski. He accused Keramitchiev and protected Mitrevski. Why? What will I, tomorrow, tell the mothers, the wives, the engaged young women? How am I going to explain to them the loss of their most beloved, the burning of their homes, the loss of their livestock, crops and belongings…



Yes.. We are standing at a crossroad deprived and divided among us… He finds Tito at fault for his own problems. Yes, today Tito, tomorrow us, we will be the ones at fault. Our entire self-sacrifice and dedication has been tossed in the mud, spat on and stepped on. He has sown the seeds of discord, irritation and loathing and has dug a big divide between us.



Dreadful, isolated and ruined we sleep in hatred. And those over there in Skopje, far from hell, did they ever think that this may be the wrong time to write such a letter? Did they ever consider to whom they were writing the letter? Such a letter was not needed just on the eve of the greatest and most fateful battles. Did they make that decision with or without the knowledge of anyone? Was there no one in their right mind to advise them to abstain from sending the letter or to advise them that now was not the right time to write such a letter? Did they not consider the kind of damage it would cause and who was going to suffer the most? Did they give it a thought and were they aware of the consequences and of who was going to be the victim of this ‘great truth’ of theirs and of the allegations they made?



Did they not know who they were dancing with? Did they not know who Zahariadis is and who is his teacher? They must have known that such a letter in Zahariadis’s hands would be a knife stuck in the back of our people? They must have known that their letter, in Zahariadis’s hands would be an indictment against the very people on whose behalf the letter was written?



Did they not know that they too would be included in these convictions and sentences? Did they not know that even a note of best intentions in the hands of Zahariadis becomes proof of allegations?



Once Zahariadis began to speak about the letter with such anger and fury, humiliating our people, I figured there must have been a great deal of truth in it. He told us that he would let us read the letter, familiarize ourselves with its content but did he give it to us?



No! Why not? Can you think of anything as to why he did not give it to us? Is it because there is resistance to knowing the truth? This is exactly the kind of letter Zahariadis needed. Exactly with this kind of letter he will justify his own mistakes and look for perpetrators among us. That’s all Zahariadis, and those he surrounds himself with, will need. We are now at a crossroad. We have now become WE and THEY, quarreling brothers. He smeared us with a lot of filthy words, US here and THEM there, now with a greater conviction and with filthier words we are going to continue to smear one another…



Why is it allowed to be this way, to blindly believe without thinking and understanding and to have that same belief passed on and planted into others? Why are we so very obedient… Do you remember, on the way, he, Lazo told us ‘from today on you will listen to Zahariadis, meaning the CPG’. We listened to him all right and look where we are. Others did the judging and we signed the verdict. Did you hear what Zahariadis said, shaking his finger in front of our noses? ‘NOF,’ he said, ‘was a spy ring organization that impeded the implementation of the CPG line… You were not honest towards the CPG and you did not help us…’ Did you hear your wise man say these things? He said he would be creating a Macedonia for us with resolutions and with plenum decisions and even before the ink was dry, he gave up, he changed his mind… Did you hear him?!”



Kole raised his voice and looked into Krste’s eyes.



“Look, here, I have it written down, exactly what he said right here on this page of my shabby old notebook. ‘History has proven,’ he said, ‘that NOF has had many gaps and deficiencies. In NOF, because it was not led by the Party, there appeared petty bourgeois and chauvinistic tendencies’. And he, Zahariadis, found the solution. The entire Macedonian self-sacrifice he considers a merit of the CPG. Without an ounce of shame he openly says to us ‘so, comrades, our party made a mistake here. Conditions were premature. We made a mistake, but we recognized our mistake,’ he says, ‘and here is our strength, the strength of the Party which recognized its mistakes.’ But do you know why Zahariadis is so mad at Keramitchiev and Gotse? You don’t know? I will tell you…



Those two promised him that if they were allowed to go to Skopje they would mobilize around five-thousand Macedonian refugees who had fled Aegean Macedonia and make arrangements to return them. But instead of doing that, they began to criticize the CPG for not acting favourably on the Macedonian question… Zahariadis, of course, has not forgotten this and when he was preparing for the battle of Lerin, he sent Mangovski, Mitrovski and Marika to Skopje, with Porphirogenis in charge, in order to remind them of their obligations and to begin with the mobilization. Of course Keramitchiev and Gotse not only refused to mobilize the refugee Macedonians, but also subjected Zahariadis’s policies to harsh criticism...”



“And you, Kole, from where do you know all these things?” asked Krste.



“From where? People talk… Marika, the woman that was with them in Skopje, said a few things… she told people how they welcomed them and what they said… Zahariadis was prepared to do everything, to meet all their demands just so that he could get his five thousand new fighters. But as you know he did not get them… There was nowhere for him to get fighters to replace those lost in the Voden, Sobotsko and Lerin battles. And what did he do? He sent the same Porphirogenis to mobilize the children…” concluded Kole.



“I have heard about that… They brought ten children to my unit. I returned them to Prespa…” replied Krste.



Kole swung his arm and angrily interrupted: “You returned them but they then sent them to Mali-Madi…”



“I have heard about that too…” replied Krste.



“We have all heard about a lot of things, we heard and hear things and fill our mouths with water… Why? Why do we only listen and… and wait to be complimented? Five days before the start of the NOF Congress in Nivitsi, Bardzotas, one of his shadows, in front of the DAG political commissars for Vicho Region, said: ‘…the Slavo-Macedonian fighters and officers are the best fighters of DAG. They fought and are still fighting heroically. But lately we have had quite a few desertions from the ranks of the Slavo-Macedonians, especially Slovo-Macedonians...’ Did you hear me? Whack! Not on the forehead but on top of the head… He strokes us with one hand and beats us on the head with the other. And further down he says: ‘What is the reason for the desertions? The great difficulties experienced by the Slavo-Macedonian people. That heroic nation gave it its all; it gave its children, its possessions, its homes. Every house has at least one dead and one wounded and with all that, how can there be no effect on the Slavo-Macedonian people? Those difficulties are used by the enemy and by hostile elements to bring discord…’ And do you know who they are blaming? Listen to what he said further down. I have written exactly what he said. ‘To overcome the difficulties and to comprehend the actions of the hostile elements,’ the person surely was thinking of someone in NOF, ‘we need to expand our political and advisory work between the Slavo-Macedonian fighters and their families. In the last days, the eleventh division undertook a good initiative. It sent a number of its leading cadres to speak at important conferences in the villages,’ more like frighten the people, ‘during which they condemned the slogan “Go to Yugoslavia to save yourselves” and called on the people to fight against the difficulties…’



Well, think about this. They had to tell those heroic best Slavo-Macedonian fighters and officers and their families that they are politically immature… And look what kind of names they labeled us with… Sometimes they call us Macedonians and other times they call us Slavo-Macedonians and even Sloveno-Macedonians… This is not because of ignorance but because of disrespect… And he, Zahariadis, spit in our eyes when he said there was absolutely no agreement between NOF and CPG… There are, there are, but he wants to convince us that there aren’t and we, in the name of Party discipline, will say, of course Comrade Zahariadis, there aren’t any.



I however, have written it down in this notebook… here, I found it, I have written that the agreement to join NOF to the CPG took place on October 14, 1946 and on November 21 of the same year NOF together with all Macedonian detachments came under the leadership, meaning under the control of the CPG. And do you know what our people were asking from them? They were asking to be given leadership positions for the leaders of NOF… Not much, only a secretary here, a secretary there and some unit commanders. And what did the CPG do once it took control of NOF? It promised them everything and then it disbanded the Macedonian units.



Immediately after that Markos began to send radio-telegrams asking for more and more Macedonian fighters to be sent to Thessaly and Rumeli to help him develop a Partisan movement there. As a result about 1,000 fighters, one unit from the Kostur and Lerin Regions and one unit from Voden Region were ordered to go there. The Macedonian fighters, is understandable, spoke Macedonian and sang Macedonian revolutionary songs. And do you know how they welcomed them? As a foreign army! Rumours began to circulate that foreigners had arrived … The Greek newspapers went wild claiming that Bulgarians had arrived and nothing more was needed for those in Thessaly and Rumeli to flee to the cities.



Instead of going to the Partisans these people left for the cities. A lot of damage was done. To stop the exodus the Macedonians were prohibited from speaking Macedonian and singing Macedonian songs. And to the people of Thessaly and Rumeli, they had to explain that the newcomers were Greek Partisans, indigenous to Northern Greece…



They should have promptly sent the Macedonians back before something awful happened to them… Zahariadis did the same thing with KOEM. NOF he says, has national liberation aspirations, but lacks communist ideals and communist leadership, with which only the right CPG leadership could bring the Macedonian people to victory… Have you ever heard that?” asked Kole.



“Yes, I have heard that…” replied Krste.



“I know you have heard it but did you understand what it meant? And speaking of NOF, let me tell you this: Partsalidis, you know the guy who is now president of the interim government, while feasting on roasted carp in a house in Nivitsi, and while talking about the Second NOF Congress, said to his friends, ‘anyone who sees NOF as an equal to DAG and to the revolutionary movement is a candidate for a psychiatrist...’ Okay now if you are so smart, tell me with whom have we partnered when our own president thinks of us like that?



I once heard how General Kikitsas stood up to Vlandas. ‘What do you think,’ said Kikitsas, ‘there would have been a national resistance against the occupier in this part of Macedonia? Or do you think that today, now, there would be a movement? You had best understand that it was those cadres who today have been tainted in the books of the A2 Bureau, exactly those same cadres created the movement here, they are well known and trusted by the people and they also have influence and trust in the people and the fighters. Without them here there would be no resistance in this region and DAG would not exist…’



And you can’t but ask yourself: did they not distinguish us from the newcomers [Christian settlers brought from Turkey in the 1920’s], at home and in school, in church and in the army, and call us like that twenty years ago? Were they not teaching the newcomers to hate and despise us? And now you believe that they are thinking of respecting us? And what if all this fails? Will they not then put the entire blame on us? Or will they like us only until we are useful and then discard us? Blindness… Sometimes I think to myself that blindness is our worst sickness? Or perhaps it’s our mutual put-down and informing on each other? What do you think?” concluded Kole.



“I am a military man, my job is to execute orders, not to think,” replied Krste, turning, stretching out his arm and pulling on his backpack. He then took out half a loaf of brown bread and an onion and with his knife opened a can of meat. He cut it into pieces and said: “Help yourself, the table is set and lunch is ready. Everything you say may be the truth, but it is no reason not to eat…”



Kole closed his notebook, put it back in his backpack and asked: “Do you see that hilltop?”



“Yes I see it…” replied Krste.



“We made it to there… What’s behind the hilltop?” asked Kole.



“Do you want to know what there is behind the hilltop? Of course there is the downhill…” replied Krste.



“Well, we’ve reached that now…” concluded Kole.



Kole looked at the sky and said, “Look at the hawk, it is still circling…”



“Yes it is… circling,” repeated Krste, “but it’s not a hawk, it’s an airplane… it’s an airplane… It’s one of those that watches all the time and reports our movements in the mountains and hills… It tells them there and there are new bunkers and new trenches. Then those on the ground mark them on the maps. In other words, we, ourselves tell them ‘hey, you up there, we are here… Yes… For two and a half years the government forces could not remove us from Vicho… They fought us in various military offensives with a large army and many cannons but were not successful in removing us from here… And do you know why? Because then we were not hiding in bunkers and we did not lead a trench war. We fought the enemy on our terms. Last year we initiated a frontal war in Gramos and the enemy fought us where it wanted to fight us and took us out of Gramos. And now the enemy will fight us where it wants to… Understand?”

[George S.]

International Day at CFB Borden

23/02/2012
Reply ▼
risto stefov
To ;
Dear readers and friends,


The winter version of International Day at CFB Borden this year will be held on Thursday March 8th at 4:00 PM in the usual place, Building P 182.



This is when the visiting military officers studying English at Base Borden put on an exhibition of cultural items, presentations and serve all sorts of foods.



The event is free of charge and everyone is invited.



To get there go north on highway 400 and get off at the exit for Highway 89, turn left going west on highway 89 to Alliston. In Alliston (at the Dairy Queen) turn right onto King Street and go north on King Street until you reach the Base. After you pass the guard house at the Base follow Ortona Rd to Ramillies. Turn right on Ramillies then left on Cambrai Rd. Follow Cambrai to Falaise Road. Turn right on Falaise and on your left you will see building P 182. Park your car in one of the lots and head for the Officer’s Mess.



See you there.



Risto…

[George S.]

“The Greece/FYROM dispute goes beyond what's in a name” by the National Post published on Dec. 12, 2011 at this link; http://www.nationalpost.com/news/Gre...376/story.html written by Dimitris Azemopoulos, the Consul General of Greece in Toronto.



As a result of this I have had a couple of complaints. Both complainants were disgusted with the Greek attitude towards the Macedonians and the lies and propaganda they use to support their position. Both complainants were wondering why I would give this bigot the time of day and a platform on which to spread his lies.



In my defense; I published the article to let people know, to inform them of the on-going Greek attitude towards the Macedonians. To show them the extent to which people like Dimitris Azemopoulos would go to support their position. But then, as was pointed out to me, there is a downside to this. The downside is that I/ we give people like Azemopoulos attention and a platform from which to further their attacks on the Macedonian people.



It was pointed out to me that if someone, who does not know the “real” Macedonian situation with Greece, happens to read that article they may find its content convincing and take the Greek side. So why take chances? The Greeks would never publicize anything that supports the Macedonian position so why publicize their position in our publications?



It was also pointed out to me that, “if it becomes necessary to publicize anything contrary to the Macedonian position” then our side of the argument should also be included in the publication.



For example when the Greeks say “Macedonia is Greek” we should include some facts as to how 51% of Macedonia became Greek. I.e. that in 1912, 1913 Greece invaded, occupied and, with its partners Serbia and Bulgaria, brutally partitioned Macedonia into three pieces against the will of the Macedonian people, who, only 10 years earlier in 1903 had risen against the Ottoman Empire in an attempt to free themselves and create their own independent Macedonian state.



When the Greeks say “only pure Greeks” live in Greece then we should include some facts as to how the Macedonian people living in Greek occupied Macedonia became Greeks literally over night. How many Macedonian people the Greeks had to torture, murder and exile before scaring the rest into accepting an imposed identity? How many villages were burned and how many people were buried in mass graves in order for Greece to be cleansed and for everyone living in Greece to be “pure Greeks?”



I think you get the idea.



Risto…

[George S.]

AUSTRALIAN GOVERNMENT ANNOUNCES POLICY SHIFT
AND RECOGNISES MACEDONIAN COMMUNITY



13 February 2012

The Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is pleased to announce that after a sustained lobbying campaign, the Australian Government has finally withdrawn its discriminatory and racist “Slav Macedonian” Directive which renamed the Macedonian community in 1994.

In a letter dated 9 January 2012, the Acting Chief of Staff to the Minister for Foreign Affairs wrote:

“I can reaffirm that the ‘Slav Macedonian’ Administrative Circular is no longer operative in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT). As is standard practice with inoperative Administrative Circulars, it has been cancelled and the document archived. Similarly, DFAT has advised me that the ‘Slav Macedonian Directive’ is not in use in other agencies, including the Department of Immigration and Citizenship and the Australian Bureau of Statistics.”

The Department of Immigration and Citizenship also confirmed this position in a subsequent letter to the AMHRC on 11 January 2012:

“As stated by...[the] acting Chief of Staff to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, I can confirm that this department does not actively use the term ‘Slav-Macedonian’. For example, the Translating and Interpreting Service National now only uses the term ‘Macedonian’. We acknowledge the concerns of the Macedonian Australian community in relation to this matter.”

This victory marks the end of a significant and long-running campaign by the AMHRC to gain governmental acceptance of the Macedonian community’s right to self-identification. The campaign began in 1994, and saw hearings before the High Court of Australia, the Human Rights & Equal Opportunity Commission and the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs and Trade. Its culmination was recently reached after an intensive series of exchanges, involving meetings and correspondence, with senior Cabinet Ministers (including the Prime Minister), members of parliament from all political parties and various Government Departments.

The Australian Government’s announcement of the official end to its offensive nomenclature policy marks a return to the long successful policy of Multiculturalism, a position the AMHRC has long advocated. This is a victory that will be beneficial to the maintenance of the human rights of all Australians.

Whilst the AMHRC is pleased with the Australian Government’s current shift in policy toward the Macedonian Community, it now reiterates its call upon the Government to take the next logical step and recognize the Republic of Macedonia under its official and democratically chosen name.

Established in 1984, the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non-governmental organization that informs and advocates before international institutions, governments and broader communities about combating racism and promoting human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other excluded groups throughout the world, are recognized, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au, email [email protected] or via +61 3 9329 8960.

For more information please click the following link: http://macedonianhr.org.au/wip/index...ccat&Itemid=50

AUSTRALIAN MACEDONIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (AMHRC)
Suite 106, Level 1,
55 Flemington Rd ,
North Melbourne VIC 3051, Australia
Tel/Fax: +61 3 9329 8960
Email:[email protected]
Visit our website: www.macedonianhr.org.au

[George S.]

U.S., Macedonian troops to take part in joint trainings



Skopje, 15 February 2012 (MIA) - Opportunities for advancing army cooperation between the United States and Macedonia through joint trainings and by using the Krivolak training polygon were discussed on Wednesday at a meeting between U.S. Army Europe (USAREUR) Commander, Lieutenant General Mark Hertling and his host, ARM Chief of Staff, Major-General Goranco Koteski and Minister of Defense Fatmir Besimi.



"Later in the day, I will have the chance to visit Krivolak and to see the military training polygons in Macedonia. We will be able to exchange training staff at training polygons in Macedonia and in Germany and soldiers will attend joint trainings, said Hertling who is paying a two-day official visit to Macedonia.



Major-General Koteski stated that Macedonian troops would take part at joint exercises and trainings within the USAREUR Command in Germany.



"I've offered our training polygon in Krivolak with all of its possibilities and capacities and it can become one of the training polygons not only for troops from regional countries, but also for units due to be sent to peacekeeping missions. We want to strengthen our defense cooperation and the strategic partnership between ARM and the USAREUR Command as well as the strategic partnership between Macedonia and the U.S., Macedonia's Chief of Staff stressed.

Interlocutors also discussed exchange of experiences acquired in peace missions and joint deployment in such missions. Koteski also presented ARM's priorities in 2012 and issues related to the implementation of army's new structure.



The top U.S. military official said he was pleased to be here since he had had the opportunity to serve together with Macedonian troops in Iraq, while on his recent visit to Afghanistan he had seen that Macedonian troops were doing an excellent job by securing peace.

In the course of the visit, Hertling will also visit the VING (Aviation Reconnaissance Assault Group) and Krivolak, where members of ARM's Special Operations Regiment will conduct a drill.



In addition, the U.S. General will visit military academy "Mihajlo Apostolski", where he is to deliver a lecture on topic "Military Profession"

[George S.]

UN EXPERT RECOMMENDS BULGARIA RECOGNISE ITS MACEDONIAN MINORITY


15 February 2012

Blagoevgrad/Gorna Dzumaja (Bulgaria), Melbourne (Australia) and Toronto (Canada)

OMO “Ilinden” PIRIN, the political party of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, together with the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) and Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) welcome the recent release of the report of the United Nations Independent Expert on Minority Issues on the situation in Bulgaria.

The report was made public on 3 January 2012 by the newly appointed UN Independent Expert, Ms. Rita Izsák and follows the visit to Bulgaria in July 2011 of her predecessor, Ms Gay McGougall. During the visit to Bulgaria, the Independent Expert met with representatives of the Macedonian minority in the country. The delegation comprised of: Stojko Stojkov, Co-President of OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN and Stahil Tupalski, Central Council Member of OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN; Stojan Gerasimov from the Society of Repressed Macedonians; and Georgi Hristov, the Chief Editor of the pro-Macedonian newspaper, Narodna Volja. The meeting gave the Macedonian organizations the opportunity to provide the Independent Expert with a first hand, documented account of the problems facing the Macedonian population in Bulgaria.

The post-visit report made a number of observations in relation to the situation of minorities in Bulgaria. In paragraphs 66-67, devoted to the Macedonian minority, the Independent Expert noted that:

“66. Article 54 of the Bulgarian Constitution states that “everyone shall have the right to avail himself of the national and universal human cultural values and to develop his own culture in accordance with his ethnic self-identification, which shall be recognized and guaranteed by the law.” However, the Government denies the existence of an ethnic Macedonian minority, and does not recognize the Pomaks (considered as Bulgarian-speaking Muslims by the Government) as a distinct minority – claiming that both groups are in fact ethnic Bulgarians. Representatives of those who self-identify as ethnic Macedonians and as Pomaks claim that their minority rights are consequently violated.

67. Ethnic Macedonians consider it of crucial importance that their ethnic identity and distinctiveness be officially recognized. Community representatives strongly dispute census findings reflecting very low and declining numbers of Macedonians, and claim that the true population is many times higher. The Macedonian language is not recognized or taught in schools and Macedonians are not represented on the National Council for Cooperation on Ethnic and Integration Issues.

Most significantly though, the Independent Expert made a number of significant recommendations in relation to the recognition of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.

In relation to respect for self-identification the Independent Expert recommended that:

“93. In accordance with its Constitutional provisions to respect the right to ethnic self-identification, the Government should ensure and protect this right, as well as the rights to freedom of expression and freedom of association of members of the Macedonian and Pomak minorities.

94. Policies relating to the recognition and rights of minority groups must be assessed in relation to the State’s obligations under international human rights law. Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states that “in those States in which ethnic, religious or linguistic minorities exist, persons belonging to such minorities shall not be denied the right, in community with the other members of their group, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, or to use their own language.” The question of the existence of minorities is addressed by the Human Rights Committee in its general comment No. 23 (1994) on the rights of minorities. Article 5.2 states that “the existence of an ethnic, religious or linguistic minority in a given State party does not depend upon a decision by that State party but requires to be established by objective criteria.”

95. With regard to identification with a particular racial or ethnic group, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has established in its general recommendation No. 8 (1990) on article 1 of the Convention that “such identification shall, if no justification exists to the contrary, be based upon self-identification by the individual concerned.” The right of individuals to freely identify as belonging to an ethnic, religious or linguistic group is therefore established in international law. Domestic law should recognize such rights and ensure that no individual or group suffers from any disadvantage or discriminatory treatment on the basis of their freely chosen identity as belonging (or not) to an ethnic, religious, linguistic or any other group.

On Bulgaria’s refusal to abide by judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, the views of the Independent Expert were quite explicit:

96. Bulgaria should comply fully with the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) relating to persons belonging to such communities and implement its rulings without further delay. Associations should be allowed to register and function without impediment, use their chosen names and express their ethnic identities freely. Associations that have been denied in the past should promptly be given official registration.

The Independent Expert also recommended the introduction of the Macedonian language to the Bulgarian education system:

“97. The Government’s position not to allow the use of mother tongue languages as the language of instruction in schools, particularly in regions where minorities are a majority or constitute a large percentage of the population, is a concern for minorities, including the Roma, Turkish Muslims and Macedonians. Bilingual education commencing in the early years of schooling would enable children to become proficient in their mother tongue as well as in Bulgarian. Furthermore, it would enable them to maintain their ethnic and linguistic identity and help minority pupils to achieve positive educational outcomes. The Government is urged to consider introducing bilingual education and to ratify the European Charter for Regional and Minority Languages”

OMO “Ilinden” PIRIN, the political party of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, together with the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) and Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) demands that the Bulgarian Government to take note of the report of the UN Independent Expert on Minority Issues and implement, in full and without delay, each of the recommendations contained in the report.

The full report can be downloaded here:

http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/19session/A.HRC.19.56.Add.2_en.pdf

__________

OMO "Ilinden" PIRIN is a political party supporting the rights of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. It has been banned since 2000, despite a 2005 European Court of Human Rights Judgement ruling that the decision was a violation of the Euroepan Convention on Human Rights. For more information please visit www.omoilindenpirin.org.

Established in 1984 the Australian Macedonian Human Rights Committee (AMHRC) is a non governmental organization that advocates before governments, international institutions and broader communities about combating discrimination and promoting basic human rights. Our aspiration is to ensure that Macedonian communities and other excluded groups throughout the world are recognized, respected and afforded equitable treatment. For more information please visit www.macedonianhr.org.au , or contact AMHRC by email [email protected] or on +61 3 93298960.

Macedonian Human Rights Movement International (MHRMI) has been active on human and national rights issues for Macedonians and other oppressed peoples since 1986. For more information: www.mhrmi.org, twitter.com/mhrmi, facebook.com/mhrmi, [email protected],+1 416-850-7125.

AUSTRALIAN MACEDONIAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE (AMHRC)
Suite 106, Level 1,
55 Flemington Rd ,
North Melbourne VIC 3051, Australia
Tel/Fax: +61 3 9329 8960
Email:[email protected]
Visit our website: www.macedonianhr.org.au

[George S.]

Not another BIG Greek Lie?



Cookie Drive for Greece

Monday, 13 February 2012

http://macedoniaonline.eu/content/view/20320/45/

It is that time again, for Macedonians to be good Christians and turn our other cheek so our southern neighbor can slap away.

Sad news out of Greece flooded news channels world-wide… "Greeks would no longer be able to afford coffee" is one of the most common headlines. This is it, this is our chance to show our neighbor what it means to be a good neighbor!

To this end, starting today, MINA will engage in a “Cookie Drive” where we will ask for donations from Macedonians worldwide. The money will be used to buy cookies for Greeks.

Our motto is “if they don’t have money for coffee, they should have for cookies”.

The Lord knows Macedonia owes Greece. Thanks to Greek hysteria, the entire world knows of Macedonia. We received the best commercial worldwide, and never paid a cent for it. Athens funded each marketing campaign. Not just that Athens refused to ask for a cent, they even made capital investments in Macedonia. For 20 years the Greek Government unselfishly pumped Macedonian patriotism and nationalism by negating our name and the Macedonians who live in Greece.

Albania has recently started selling their citizenships for 100,000 Euros investment. Montenegro is the regional champion in this. Greece can join, except it wouldn’t be able to charge 100,000 euros for Elleniki one. Start small, charge for a cookie stand and issue a passport.

I’ve said this before, I will say it again. You don’t want to have a poor neighbor. The sirtaki dance is too close to our borders. As if that isn't bad enough, Greece’s saviors in Skopje are somewhat quiet lately. Either payments are not arriving on time, or the snow has gotten too deep, something is up.

In my attempts to help, I’ve sent a letter to Karamanlis, to Bakoyannis, it seems I must do the same with Papademos. I don’t blame Karamanlis and Bakoyannis for not responding, they were on their way out. In the letters I specifically stated they were too busy with Macedonia and instead should work on creating some sort of Economic model for their country.

I gave them, free of charge the best business model Greece could possibly adopt. Hire all Greeks to manufacture American flags and then… sell!

Greeks would make US flags and then export them where there is a huge demand: to Palestine and the Middle East etc where they are burned on a daily basis.

Macedonians could have pounced on this as well. Manufacture German, French, Dutch flags and sell them in Greece. There is a huge demand for them in Athens and elsewhere.

Here you can see why we must help Greece and save them from the terrible, terrible Europeans, particularly the Germans and French who have attacked the Greek people by pumping billions of euros for 50 years so the Greek Government can issue two additional salaries (13th and 14th) to employees who showed up on time. They also got bonuses for Easter and Christmas.

Now there is a talk of kicking Greece out of the Euro, apparently the money printing machines in Brussels are showing signs of wear and tear. The Dutch Prime Minister already ‘quietly’ announced steps were being taken to shove Greece outside the eurozone and balance the shockwave it may cause on the markets. The word ‘kick’ implied a kick, so shove sounded much better.

The Europeans were great in the past. Greece enjoyed the relationship and the perpetual flow of money. They were allies, friends, partners… Today the Greek people and media referred to the same Europeans as barbarians for not feeding Greece forever.

The Europeans tried to explain: You need to produce, create something, you can’t spend your existence away.

What Greece needs is another Prince Otto.

[George S.]

Once Classified Report Sheds Light on CIA Estimates of Cold War Yugoslavia
January 24, 2012

By Chris Deliso

http://www.balkanalysis.com/macedonia/2012/01/24/once-classified-report-sheds-light-on-cia-estimates-of-cold-war-yugoslavia/

A brief analysis of a once top-secret CIA report, written in 1949, provides a glimpse of US understanding of communist Yugoslavia at a pivotal moment in the Cold War- after Tito’s famous break with Stalin the year before.

In the broad sweep of contemporary history, the views expressed therein can be assessed favorably as indicating an accurate judgment of the situation at the time. The report (.PDF), dated June 20, 1949 is titled Estimate of the Yugoslav Regime’s Ability to Resist Soviet Pressure During 1949. Unfortunately, there are no references to sources, methods or US capabilities that went into crafting the report. However, those seeking in-depth reading on the American views at the time and larger context can read Coleman Armstrong Mehta’s lengthy thesis (.PDF) on CIA assessments from 1948-1950.

The 12-page estimate highlights seven key findings regarding Yugoslav security, economy and political stability. It was published for internal use only and addressed to the intelligence heads of the army, navy and air force, and the Joint Staff’s Deputy Director for Intelligence, the Special Assistance to the Secretary of State for Research and Intelligence, the Director of Security and Intelligence of the Atomic Energy Commission, as well as the CIA’s Assistant Director for Collection and Dissemination. In true Cold War style, there is also a ‘burn after reading’ suggestion.

Security Findings

Tito’s break with Stalin occurred in summer 1948 and was due in part to dissimilar views on the nature of a socialist state, doubts on the transposability of certain Soviet economic models, and not least, the proud Tito’s disinterest in looking to Moscow as the seat of supreme leadership.

In this light, after the break and chill in relations (which would not thaw until Stalin’s death), there were concerns about how the Soviet strongman might act towards Yugoslavia. The most important short-term conclusion of this report was that the Soviets, and satellite states, were not expected by the CIA to engage in any direct military action against Yugoslavia during 1949, but that “border incidents against Yugoslavia will probably increase.”

The CIA also expected “a more hostile, but probably ineffective propaganda campaign” against the Yugoslavs, and added by stating that “no large-scale guerrilla warfare” would be likely to occur in 1949. In conclusion, the CIA expected that Tito’s regime “would meet no insurmountable obstacle during 1949.”

This conclusion is reached following an examination of the perceived three courses of action Stalin could follow, should he wish to topple the new Yugoslav regime. These were: use of satellite states in direct war; a Soviet invasion; or support for “organized guerrilla warfare,” which would constitute a “war of attrition.” The third was considered the most serious possibility, though still not likely.

In this context, it is striking to note that the eventual dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s occurred with wars that began with (or featured aspects of) guerrilla fighting, particularly in the case of Kosovo. It was only the uncharted waters of the new, post-Cold War environment that made option one (in the modern example, aerial bombardment by NATO) even conceivable.

The possibility of an attack on Yugoslavia by neighboring states was dismissed by the CIA, as the Yugoslav Army was “the second-largest and second-most competent in Eastern Europe,” and could “defeat any combination of bordering satellite armies.” And the assessment also noted that a direct Soviet invasion would not succeed; “prior to any direct attack upon it, the Yugoslav Army would probably have from thirty to sixty days to regroup in the mountainous region south of the Sava and Danube rivers, thus preventing its annihilation by the USSR forces.” It was probably the intention of the authors to imply that Soviet commanders understood this as well, though it is not explicitly stated.

In 1949, the CIA estimated that Stalin would not support guerrilla fighting as it would be taken as a declaration of war by Tito. Quite interestingly, the report suggests that Tito would take “vigorous counter-measures” against any threat to his rule, including sponsoring guerrilla wars in Albania and Bulgaria, which would create “seriously difficulties, and especially for the “insecure Hoxha Government in Albania.”

Tito’s capability to withstand less dramatic, but equally hostile efforts from the Soviets was also considered in the report. The Soviets could hypothetically “infiltrate” small anti-Tito “bands” in neighboring states in order to “disseminate anti-Tito propaganda, enlist recruits, incite local insurrections, perform acts of sabotage, disrupt communications, and prepare the way for assassination of Tito and his aides.”

To this robust list of alleged capabilities, it was posited that arms, supplies and propaganda leaflets could also be dropped in by Soviet aircraft. Much from this menu of sabotage and guerrilla activities listed had in fact been used by Tito’s Partisans successfully against the Nazis.

Perceptions of the Communist Threat: Coloring Views of Macedonian Secessionism

Looking back, probably the most important theme conveyed in the CIA report seems to be that in 1949 the US understood all resistance or possible resistance to Tito in some relationship to Communism- even the ethnic and nationalist threats. This view would color the US perception of these groups for decades, leaving it from the 1960s to experts from ostensibly unrelated fields, like sociologists (something that today would be called ‘interdisciplinary’ input) to identify the ethnic and nationalist character of the opposition to Tito, that would outlive the dictator and re-emerge in dramatic fashion a decade after his death.

Rather, the 1949 report states that the primary danger of minorities in Yugoslavia was that these groups could allegedly be propagandized by the Soviets, “to overthrow the Tito regime in return for promised preferential treatment.” In other words, secessionist nationalist would somehow prefer client-state status under hardcore communism with a nationalist veneer to Tito’s light communism, which also allowed a symbolic amount of nationalism.

The once top-secret report notes that “certain minority groups” in Macedonia, Montenegro and other Yugoslav republics might aspire to overthrow Tito’s regime. The Macedonians are specifically named, though others, such as Albanians, Croats and Serbs, are not. In this light, one of the more intriguing elements of the report is the estimate that “the proclamation of an ‘independent Macedonia’ would have little success in gaining the support of any significant number of Yugoslav Macedonians.”

The CIA concluded, however, that such a proclamation was unlikely to be made, in the immediate future at least. It does not expand on where such a proclamation could be expected to come from, even if it did- from an internal Macedonian group, or from one in Bulgaria or Greece. The report also does not detail why Macedonians would not support the creation of an independent state, which leaves in doubt the reason for why it was seen as unlikely.

The CIA report also comes to a chillingly prescient conclusion: “if seriously threatened at any time in 1949 by the formation of a Macedonian state, Tito could engineer mass deportations of unreliable Macedonians to other areas in Yugoslavia. He could also cut off Yugoslav aid to the Greek guerrillas and might even come to some understanding with the Greek National Government.” The final two of these policies did occur in precise form as predicted, while the first, ‘mass deportations,’ was actually being done by the Greek Right, and accepted by Tito.

Looking at the situation through the lens of the communist threat also reveals why the CIA report dismissed any major support for a Macedonian state, from another point of view: it assessed that the Soviets’ image had been losing credibility in general among the Yugoslav public. It implies that if the nationalist-based secessionist threat was indeed fundamentally inspired by communists, perception damage suffered by the latter would adversely affect enthusiasm for the former. Of course, the historic relationship between national liberation and communist parties in this case is very complex and contentious.

The 1949 report notes that “since the beginning of the year, Yugoslav-Soviet relations have increased in hostility.” Yet despite extensive Cominform propaganda campaigns, the Soviet rhetoric was perceived as appearing more “hollow and ineffective” to the Yugoslav audience. In fact, it was argued that Soviet propaganda, ironically enough, had the effect of “rallying the extensive non-Communist population to Tito’s camp.”

Internal Communist Threats to Tito, and Secret Police Countermeasures

The CIA report estimates that, along with nationalist secessionists, Tito was also confronted with a potential threat from approximately 8,000 enemies within (2 percent of the party’s total membership)- most of whom, once again, exemplified the ‘Communist threat.’ These were comprised of: “old-line” Communists with experience in Russia, sympathetic to the Kremlin; Partisan fighters dissatisfied with their post-war rewards/jobs; and Communists who had fled (Royalist) Yugoslavia as dissident refugees before WWII, and who were repatriated after it, and thus had not participated in the Partisan resistance and lacked any loyalty to Tito.

The report goes on to reveal that such disenchanted elements “are allegedly attempting to organize active opposition to the Tito regime by concentrating on wresting control away from the army.” Tito’s countermeasures were said to include retiring disloyal persons “as a group” and “replacing known unreliables with young stalwarts.”

Intriguingly, the report adds that the UDB secret service played an instrumental role in preserving Tito’s authority, and that it in fact used some of the same tactics that were perceived as potentially being used against the regime. UDB members were “considered loyal and will provide stern counteraction to any campaign to infiltrate Cominform agents extensively, perpetrate widespread acts of sabotage, foment disturbances or insurrections, or organize assassination plots.”

In regards to any Soviet attempts to use proxy guerrilla groups from satellite states, the report also confirmed that “Tito can thwart the potential threat of such groups through his security police.” Throughout the Cold War, the UDB would gain a fearsome reputation for its efficient activities against perceived enemies of the state, both at home and in the extensive Yugoslav diaspora communities around the world.

Economic Issues and Military Assistance Projections

The CIA report, which concludes with a detailed assessment of the Yugoslav economy, also drew conclusions regarding Yugoslav economy and trade, noting that while the Soviets might entertain a strategy to force the collapse of the Yugoslav economy, any such attempt would fail due to “prevailing internal and external conditions.”

The report assessed that in any case the Soviets would not apply economic sanctions against Yugoslavia in 1949, as this would adversely affect their own imports of “strategic metals” from the country. In any case, sanctions would not “impair seriously” Yugoslavia’s general economy even if they were applied. The report noted that in the three years since 1946, Yugoslavia’s economy was rebuilding, and that grain production had approached pre-war levels, as had that of steel, non-ferrous metals, electricity, textiles and timber, with food shortages expected to be alleviated during 1949.

More negatively, however, Tito’s ‘Five-Year Plan’ for industrial expansion was viewed as “unrealistic,” with a lack of capital, Western technical assistance and trained workers hindering it, while gold reserves were low. An appetite for Western loans was noted as something expected to be increasing in the coming period.

Finally, should an emergency situation arise due to Soviet military attack, the report concludes that Western aid might be required. However, any military equipment for Yugoslavia would ideally be better provided by the West, the CIA believed, than “the means for production of such equipment.” It is not clear from this whether the report’s authors were making a case for efficiency, or outlining a long-term goal of preventing a competitive Yugoslav arms manufacture industry.

A Portrait of Tito

The CIA report also discusses Tito as a leader, though indirectly and partially. It is revealing in that its estimation of him was essentially accurate and held true far beyond 1949- thus showing that the aspiring leader would not significantly change his leadership style or chosen overarching Cold War role into the future. This assessment no doubt helped the Americans to predict the limitations of behavior and outlook of what would turn out to be an autocratic rule for decades, until Tito’s death in 1980.

In his life, Tito would become known for craftily playing “both sides,” trying to highlight his country’s advantages of being somewhere between both East and West, which would mature into the non-aligned movement. According to the 1949 report, he is “confident of Western determination to maintain him as a constant irritant to the Kremlin.”

This status, it was argued, meant also that Tito could feel assured of continued economic assistance from the West and steady imports of needed Western industrial goods. However, “following a policy of self-protection and economic self-interest, he will continue to trade with the East in certain strategic items,” it was added.

[George S.]

Once Classified Report Sheds Light on CIA Estimates of Cold War Yugoslavia
January 24, 2012

By Chris Deliso

http://www.balkanalysis.com/macedonia/2012/01/24/once-classified-report-sheds-light-on-cia-estimates-of-cold-war-yugoslavia/

A brief analysis of a once top-secret CIA report, written in 1949, provides a glimpse of US understanding of communist Yugoslavia at a pivotal moment in the Cold War- after Tito’s famous break with Stalin the year before.

In the broad sweep of contemporary history, the views expressed therein can be assessed favorably as indicating an accurate judgment of the situation at the time. The report (.PDF), dated June 20, 1949 is titled Estimate of the Yugoslav Regime’s Ability to Resist Soviet Pressure During 1949. Unfortunately, there are no references to sources, methods or US capabilities that went into crafting the report. However, those seeking in-depth reading on the American views at the time and larger context can read Coleman Armstrong Mehta’s lengthy thesis (.PDF) on CIA assessments from 1948-1950.

The 12-page estimate highlights seven key findings regarding Yugoslav security, economy and political stability. It was published for internal use only and addressed to the intelligence heads of the army, navy and air force, and the Joint Staff’s Deputy Director for Intelligence, the Special Assistance to the Secretary of State for Research and Intelligence, the Director of Security and Intelligence of the Atomic Energy Commission, as well as the CIA’s Assistant Director for Collection and Dissemination. In true Cold War style, there is also a ‘burn after reading’ suggestion.

Security Findings

Tito’s break with Stalin occurred in summer 1948 and was due in part to dissimilar views on the nature of a socialist state, doubts on the transposability of certain Soviet economic models, and not least, the proud Tito’s disinterest in looking to Moscow as the seat of supreme leadership.

In this light, after the break and chill in relations (which would not thaw until Stalin’s death), there were concerns about how the Soviet strongman might act towards Yugoslavia. The most important short-term conclusion of this report was that the Soviets, and satellite states, were not expected by the CIA to engage in any direct military action against Yugoslavia during 1949, but that “border incidents against Yugoslavia will probably increase.”

The CIA also expected “a more hostile, but probably ineffective propaganda campaign” against the Yugoslavs, and added by stating that “no large-scale guerrilla warfare” would be likely to occur in 1949. In conclusion, the CIA expected that Tito’s regime “would meet no insurmountable obstacle during 1949.”

This conclusion is reached following an examination of the perceived three courses of action Stalin could follow, should he wish to topple the new Yugoslav regime. These were: use of satellite states in direct war; a Soviet invasion; or support for “organized guerrilla warfare,” which would constitute a “war of attrition.” The third was considered the most serious possibility, though still not likely.

In this context, it is striking to note that the eventual dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s occurred with wars that began with (or featured aspects of) guerrilla fighting, particularly in the case of Kosovo. It was only the uncharted waters of the new, post-Cold War environment that made option one (in the modern example, aerial bombardment by NATO) even conceivable.

The possibility of an attack on Yugoslavia by neighboring states was dismissed by the CIA, as the Yugoslav Army was “the second-largest and second-most competent in Eastern Europe,” and could “defeat any combination of bordering satellite armies.” And the assessment also noted that a direct Soviet invasion would not succeed; “prior to any direct attack upon it, the Yugoslav Army would probably have from thirty to sixty days to regroup in the mountainous region south of the Sava and Danube rivers, thus preventing its annihilation by the USSR forces.” It was probably the intention of the authors to imply that Soviet commanders understood this as well, though it is not explicitly stated.

In 1949, the CIA estimated that Stalin would not support guerrilla fighting as it would be taken as a declaration of war by Tito. Quite interestingly, the report suggests that Tito would take “vigorous counter-measures” against any threat to his rule, including sponsoring guerrilla wars in Albania and Bulgaria, which would create “seriously difficulties, and especially for the “insecure Hoxha Government in Albania.”

Tito’s capability to withstand less dramatic, but equally hostile efforts from the Soviets was also considered in the report. The Soviets could hypothetically “infiltrate” small anti-Tito “bands” in neighboring states in order to “disseminate anti-Tito propaganda, enlist recruits, incite local insurrections, perform acts of sabotage, disrupt communications, and prepare the way for assassination of Tito and his aides.”

To this robust list of alleged capabilities, it was posited that arms, supplies and propaganda leaflets could also be dropped in by Soviet aircraft. Much from this menu of sabotage and guerrilla activities listed had in fact been used by Tito’s Partisans successfully against the Nazis.

Perceptions of the Communist Threat: Coloring Views of Macedonian Secessionism

Looking back, probably the most important theme conveyed in the CIA report seems to be that in 1949 the US understood all resistance or possible resistance to Tito in some relationship to Communism- even the ethnic and nationalist threats. This view would color the US perception of these groups for decades, leaving it from the 1960s to experts from ostensibly unrelated fields, like sociologists (something that today would be called ‘interdisciplinary’ input) to identify the ethnic and nationalist character of the opposition to Tito, that would outlive the dictator and re-emerge in dramatic fashion a decade after his death.

Rather, the 1949 report states that the primary danger of minorities in Yugoslavia was that these groups could allegedly be propagandized by the Soviets, “to overthrow the Tito regime in return for promised preferential treatment.” In other words, secessionist nationalist would somehow prefer client-state status under hardcore communism with a nationalist veneer to Tito’s light communism, which also allowed a symbolic amount of nationalism.

The once top-secret report notes that “certain minority groups” in Macedonia, Montenegro and other Yugoslav republics might aspire to overthrow Tito’s regime. The Macedonians are specifically named, though others, such as Albanians, Croats and Serbs, are not. In this light, one of the more intriguing elements of the report is the estimate that “the proclamation of an ‘independent Macedonia’ would have little success in gaining the support of any significant number of Yugoslav Macedonians.”

The CIA concluded, however, that such a proclamation was unlikely to be made, in the immediate future at least. It does not expand on where such a proclamation could be expected to come from, even if it did- from an internal Macedonian group, or from one in Bulgaria or Greece. The report also does not detail why Macedonians would not support the creation of an independent state, which leaves in doubt the reason for why it was seen as unlikely.

The CIA report also comes to a chillingly prescient conclusion: “if seriously threatened at any time in 1949 by the formation of a Macedonian state, Tito could engineer mass deportations of unreliable Macedonians to other areas in Yugoslavia. He could also cut off Yugoslav aid to the Greek guerrillas and might even come to some understanding with the Greek National Government.” The final two of these policies did occur in precise form as predicted, while the first, ‘mass deportations,’ was actually being done by the Greek Right, and accepted by Tito.

Looking at the situation through the lens of the communist threat also reveals why the CIA report dismissed any major support for a Macedonian state, from another point of view: it assessed that the Soviets’ image had been losing credibility in general among the Yugoslav public. It implies that if the nationalist-based secessionist threat was indeed fundamentally inspired by communists, perception damage suffered by the latter would adversely affect enthusiasm for the former. Of course, the historic relationship between national liberation and communist parties in this case is very complex and contentious.

The 1949 report notes that “since the beginning of the year, Yugoslav-Soviet relations have increased in hostility.” Yet despite extensive Cominform propaganda campaigns, the Soviet rhetoric was perceived as appearing more “hollow and ineffective” to the Yugoslav audience. In fact, it was argued that Soviet propaganda, ironically enough, had the effect of “rallying the extensive non-Communist population to Tito’s camp.”

Internal Communist Threats to Tito, and Secret Police Countermeasures

The CIA report estimates that, along with nationalist secessionists, Tito was also confronted with a potential threat from approximately 8,000 enemies within (2 percent of the party’s total membership)- most of whom, once again, exemplified the ‘Communist threat.’ These were comprised of: “old-line” Communists with experience in Russia, sympathetic to the Kremlin; Partisan fighters dissatisfied with their post-war rewards/jobs; and Communists who had fled (Royalist) Yugoslavia as dissident refugees before WWII, and who were repatriated after it, and thus had not participated in the Partisan resistance and lacked any loyalty to Tito.

The report goes on to reveal that such disenchanted elements “are allegedly attempting to organize active opposition to the Tito regime by concentrating on wresting control away from the army.” Tito’s countermeasures were said to include retiring disloyal persons “as a group” and “replacing known unreliables with young stalwarts.”

Intriguingly, the report adds that the UDB secret service played an instrumental role in preserving Tito’s authority, and that it in fact used some of the same tactics that were perceived as potentially being used against the regime. UDB members were “considered loyal and will provide stern counteraction to any campaign to infiltrate Cominform agents extensively, perpetrate widespread acts of sabotage, foment disturbances or insurrections, or organize assassination plots.”

In regards to any Soviet attempts to use proxy guerrilla groups from satellite states, the report also confirmed that “Tito can thwart the potential threat of such groups through his security police.” Throughout the Cold War, the UDB would gain a fearsome reputation for its efficient activities against perceived enemies of the state, both at home and in the extensive Yugoslav diaspora communities around the world.

Economic Issues and Military Assistance Projections

The CIA report, which concludes with a detailed assessment of the Yugoslav economy, also drew conclusions regarding Yugoslav economy and trade, noting that while the Soviets might entertain a strategy to force the collapse of the Yugoslav economy, any such attempt would fail due to “prevailing internal and external conditions.”

The report assessed that in any case the Soviets would not apply economic sanctions against Yugoslavia in 1949, as this would adversely affect their own imports of “strategic metals” from the country. In any case, sanctions would not “impair seriously” Yugoslavia’s general economy even if they were applied. The report noted that in the three years since 1946, Yugoslavia’s economy was rebuilding, and that grain production had approached pre-war levels, as had that of steel, non-ferrous metals, electricity, textiles and timber, with food shortages expected to be alleviated during 1949.

More negatively, however, Tito’s ‘Five-Year Plan’ for industrial expansion was viewed as “unrealistic,” with a lack of capital, Western technical assistance and trained workers hindering it, while gold reserves were low. An appetite for Western loans was noted as something expected to be increasing in the coming period.

Finally, should an emergency situation arise due to Soviet military attack, the report concludes that Western aid might be required. However, any military equipment for Yugoslavia would ideally be better provided by the West, the CIA believed, than “the means for production of such equipment.” It is not clear from this whether the report’s authors were making a case for efficiency, or outlining a long-term goal of preventing a competitive Yugoslav arms manufacture industry.

A Portrait of Tito

The CIA report also discusses Tito as a leader, though indirectly and partially. It is revealing in that its estimation of him was essentially accurate and held true far beyond 1949- thus showing that the aspiring leader would not significantly change his leadership style or chosen overarching Cold War role into the future. This assessment no doubt helped the Americans to predict the limitations of behavior and outlook of what would turn out to be an autocratic rule for decades, until Tito’s death in 1980.

In his life, Tito would become known for craftily playing “both sides,” trying to highlight his country’s advantages of being somewhere between both East and West, which would mature into the non-aligned movement. According to the 1949 report, he is “confident of Western determination to maintain him as a constant irritant to the Kremlin.”

This status, it was argued, meant also that Tito could feel assured of continued economic assistance from the West and steady imports of needed Western industrial goods. However, “following a policy of self-protection and economic self-interest, he will continue to trade with the East in certain strategic items,” it was added.

[George S.]

After Macedonia’s Islamist Protest, Investigators Search for Significance amidst Confusing Array of Motives and Clues
February 13, 2012

By Chris Deliso

http://www.balkanalysis.com/macedonia/2012/02/13/after-macedonias-islamist-protest-investigators-search-for-significance-amidst-confusing-array-of-motives-and-clues/

Although local and international media have depicted last month’s Islamic protest and church attacks in Macedonia as manifestations of inter-ethnic and inter-religious polarity, these events actually derived from internal power struggles between the country’s diverse Muslim parties and interests, Balkanalysis.com can report. However, the inevitable impulse towards mediation and political settlement may make the incorrect depiction a fait accompli in future.

At the same time, new information corroborating seven years of field research indicates that this internal turmoil is allowing rhetorical, financial and logistical opportunities for a small number of people who are truly dangerous, and directed from outside the country. Events and processes scheduled for the next couple years, such as a national census and local elections may act as triggers for further infighting, protests and divisiveness.

What Happened in Brief

In late January 2012, Macedonia received brief but intense international media attention following an unprecedented large-scale Islamic protest in the southwestern lake town of Struga, and attacks against churches, other structures and people. The official cause of the protest, allegedly, was the Vevchani Carnival’s caricature of Islam. (Eye-opening videos of the protest, in which Islamic and Albanian flags were waved amid cries of Allahu Akbar, abound on Youtube). However, the international media coverage of it all was simplistic and lacked proper context- thus improving neither reader understanding nor national and regional security.

First, it should be said that as of February 2012 there is no reason why Macedonia’s different local populations should not be able to co-exist as they always have, and without any outside interference. Unfortunately, it appears that various interests representing different centers of power – some visible, others less so – would like to use the recent incidents for their own varied yet overlapping goals. And, despite that the political leaders have now agreed to work together, these goals do not involve the greater public good.

Odd Timing, a Lack of Spontaneity, and the Media

Until this year, no one had ever seriously criticized the Vevchani Carnival, held every 13-14 January for roughly the last 1,400 years. The statistical chances of two protests from different parties, occurring within nine days of each other would thus seem rather low. Yet this is what happened, when first the Greek government in a note, and then the local Islamist community in force, lashed out at the carnival, on 19 January and 28 January respectively.

The carnival is a major winter cultural event in Macedonia that is regularly attended by international ambassadors and officials as well as by tourists local and foreign. Development in this eternally peaceful Macedonian Orthodox village has been supported by the US, EU and World Bank, and it has a thriving sustainable tourism industry and welcoming atmosphere. Those who showed up at the later Struga protests (Muslims from that town and the villages neighboring Vevchani) have known all their lives that the carnival and the Vevchani locals are entirely harmless; anyone who knows both populations immediately understands this. Yet the protesters have very disingenuously sought to portray things otherwise.

An awareness of what is customary in local reality possibly can explain why the Muslims did not react immediately. When Muslim rioting and protests have occurred in Europe, as after the Paris youth deaths or after the Danish cartoon controversy, it has usually been fairly spontaneous. The recent protest in Macedonia was anything but- it was well-organized, supported by local officials, and took place a full two weeks after the carnival. It was another example of the truism that in Macedonia, nothing happens by accident.

What did transpire in the interim, however, was an indignant protest statement on 19 January from the Greek foreign ministry regarding the same carnival, which had featured a ceremonial funeral float for the country- a gag targeting Greece’s current financial problems, and not symbolic of any real ill-will against the country. And when examined more closely, it seems clear that the skit was actually designed for internal consumption, as it included a mock Orthodox death notice that listed among the supposed bereaved, Macedonian public figures who have over the years been identified with a “pro-Greek” position.

The rationale behind the official Greek reaction can be understood in two ways. First, it offered an easy opportunity to temporarily distract Greek citizens from worsening internal political and economic problems. Second, Greek diplomacy is currently concerned that the negative (albeit merely symbolic) ruling of the International Court of Justice in December 2011 will result in increasing international pressure to resolve the name issue. Therefore, the Greek MFA is seeking to take advantage of any trifling matter that can be depicted as a sign of ‘provocation’ from the Macedonian side. Athens thus seems to think it can stall for time or endlessly defer the process through pointing out alleged cases of Macedonian ‘provocations.’

It is also possible that diplomats in Athens were unnecessarily angered because they are unfamiliar with the event, and thus took it much more seriously than they should have. For example, burning all the masks at the end of the carnival is a traditional ritual, not a singular provocation against anyone or anything.

It is very interesting to note that there was no initial uproar from Muslims after the carnival, and the usual news wraps-ups devoting most of their attention to the Greek sketch. It was only on 28 January that Muslims in the Struga area took to the street to protest. In a telephone interview for Skopje’s Sitel TV conducted a few days after the protest, Struga Mayor Ramiz Merko evaded the question when asked why the Muslims did not seem to have a problem with Vevchani until after the Greeks did. However, the interviewer did not push the issue and this vital question has still not been answered.

A question that still remains, therefore, is whether the Muslims acted completely independently, or played off of the Greek involvement with a ‘copycat’ – but much more serious – protest, or if the two sides could even have been coordinating activities due to a common interest in obstructing the country’s progress. We have absolutely no opinion or information regarding this possibility, and only mention it because it is one of the hypothetical possibilities being weighed now by investigators. However, it does seem plausible that without the Greek protest over Vevchani (an example of the more aggressive Greek policy since the Hague ruling), the Muslims would not have gotten the idea to protest. It is thus possible that this whole incident was entirely avoidable and in a way accidental.

Macedonian officials were further concerned by very damaging and inaccurate news articles, such as an Associated Press piece of 30 January and another of 31 January that soon had around 160 Google News citations, including several US newspapers and even TV networks. Like a similar Reuters report on the same day, these articles depicted the incident as an inter-ethnic one, mentioning the 2001 conflict in the same breath as recent events. The articles take for granted a direct causal connection between the carnival and the protest (although as we have seen, it was not spontaneous) and also make erroneous claims regarding the demographic breakdown and population figures for Muslims in the country.

These articles also provide a distorted selection of quotes from local Muslim leaders and politicians, ignoring those characterized by rough language, and instead transmitting the more politically-correct comments out of the vast totality of commentary made for local media during the crisis period. The second piece provocatively states that Muslims “accuse the [Christian] majority of stoking hatred,” ominously adding that “ethnic tension has been simmering in this small Balkan country since the end of an armed rebellion in 2001.”

These implications portray the whole issue in a completely incorrect light and exaggerate the supposed demise of inter-ethnic relations. It is unclear whether this sensationalism can be attributed to bad writing or to an uninformed editor. But it cannot be due to an uninformed author, as at least the AP work was written by longtime local correspondent Konstantin Testorides, who is presumably better informed about local realities. (Mr Testorides did not reply to an email request for clarification from Balkanalysis.com).

Motive: Political and Economic Control of Struga

Understanding the recent events in Macedonia depends on an understanding of the unique structure of local power- something that the international media has ignored completely. The public figure most associated with supporting the Islamic protest is Struga Mayor Ramiz Merko, who gave permission for it to be held and who has been very vocal in this and in several previous cases of supporting Islamist projects. Although Reuters quoted Merko as saying “we should avoid further incidents and not be influenced by politics,” the Struga mayor has from the beginning sought to manipulate the incidents to increase his political prestige.

This representative of the ethnic Albanian governing coalition member, DUI, has been elected twice, in 2005 and 2009, but it is believed that he will not be the party’s candidate in the 2013 election. This may be partly because he angered party leader Ali Ahmeti by publicly threatening to run with rival ethnic Albanian parties in the 2009 race. Since leading the NLA paramilitary force in 2001, Ahmeti has kept an ironclad grip on party power. For party members, it is better to remain on his good side.

Although a lot can happen between now and the elections, informed sources believe that DUI’s next mayoral candidate will be Artim Labunisti, a doctor and descendent of an established, ‘old’ Struga family. They expect that he could even have crossover appeal with Macedonian voters, something that would be highly unusual for an Albanian party’s candidate.

A local from the Macedonian Muslim village of Labunista praised this idea, telling Balkanalysis.com that the doctor’s grandfather, Murat Labunisti, “was highly respected in our village, and had studied in France.” (In fact, the name of the village’s elementary school has been changed from ‘Josip Broz Tito’ to ‘Murat Labunisti’). Other sources indicate that this candidate was discussed favorably in an internal DUI meeting approximately three months ago.

In the purely politico-economic sense, Struga today is somewhat reminiscent of Atlantic City in the 1920s. Being the mayor of a large municipality such as this puts an individual and party in a position to hand out jobs, favors, contracts and tenders- and, of course, a chance to profit from this interaction. Controlling this machinery not only means controlling cash; it also means the ability to continue deferring non-financial personal debts accrued to a varied group of ‘creditors.’ If one is the mayor of such a place, it is thus best to stay so for as long as possible.

Presuming that Merko will not run with DUI, he could conceivably reach out to another Albanian party, such as the New Democracy of Imer Selmani, or run as an independent. However, running against a strongly supported local candidate would jack up the price of votes from local businessmen, and significant collateral would have to be brought to the table in order to buy them. At very least we can say that the political situation in Struga is fluid.

There is more, however. Despite two attempts, the Struga municipal council could not pass the 2012 budget by the end of December; according to law, this means that the Ministry of Finance in Skopje must intervene. To avoid endangering the fate of this 13.5-million euro jackpot, the budget was illegally passed on January 5. The decision was backed by 14 councilors from DUI and the Macedonian parties SDSM and LDP. Four councilors from the ethnic Albanian DPA voted against it, while nine councilors from the Macedonian VMRO-DPMNE and the (Macedonian Muslim) PEI abstained.

Local representatives of VMRO-DPMNE, which is ironically ruling on the national level in coalition with DUI, announced that they would go to the Constitutional Court over the issue. Legally, if the budget is not adopted by the end of the year, they argued, “the next step would be a decision on temporary financing, which entails the dissolution of the Council,” reported Alfa TV on January 15.

This infighting between political parties, and the tacit issue of control of substantial funds, may not have been directly related to Mayor Merko’s decision to support an Islamic show of force on the city square three weeks later. But it is definitely worth bearing in mind as we consider the bigger picture. It is interesting to note that, while minority Albanian parties relish in playing a kingmaker role on the national level, in ethnically-mixed areas led by the Albanian parties, like Struga, Macedonian parties apparently get to serve a similar function.

More Politics: from Local to National and Back Again

Still another source of local political influence is the above-mentioned PEI (Party for a European Future) of businessman Fiat Canoski, a wealthy Macedonian Muslim who emerged from impoverished origins in the village of Oktisi. Today Canoski’s most visible business is the private FON University, headquartered in Skopje but with branches throughout the country (including in Struga, where it competes with a university linked to Merko). The university’s faculty includes professors from a wide spectrum of political and business life and, like other universities in the country, has thus become an inherent part of Macedonia’s system of dispersed power through patronage.

The PEI was created in May 2006, partly in reaction to years of Albanian chauvinism, but also because Canoski cleverly saw that he could control the swing vote between the Macedonian and Albanian parties. After the post-war decentralization project had annexed the largely Macedonian Muslim-populated villages to Struga, some locals became irritated when the Albanian parties (particularly DUI) went on an aggressive campaign to convince the Macedonian-speaking Muslims that they were ‘really’ Albanian, on account of their shared Islamic faith. Merko and DUI had won the historic race for Struga largely thanks to the Macedonian Muslim vote, and the creation of a rival party run by this crucial population only increased their leverage in economic and political life on the local level.

However, after summer 2006 elections marred by gunfights between rival Albanian parties DUI and DPA, the PEI joined the coalition of the victorious VMRO-DPMNE, which included DPA (even though it had won less of the ethnic Albanian popular vote than the DUI). The PEI remained in coalition after the early elections of 2008, when DPA was replaced by DUI. After Canoski ran unsuccessfully for mayor of Struga in 2009, his party blamed Merko and DUI for falsifying results. A very complex and interesting situation thus emerged in which the Macedonian Muslim population splintered as well between persons employed by DUI/Merko on the local level and PEI devotees. This was worsened by the 2011 parliamentary elections. After secret negotiations in Struga, it was decided that Canoski’s party would no longer be part of the renewed VMNRO-DPMNE and DUI coalition.

According to several sources, the news devastated Canoski, who had already entered into a fateful familial ‘marriage alliance’ between his son and a daughter of Velija Ramkovski, another (equally non-observant) Macedonian Muslim who, near the end of 2010, had been arrested for alleged tax evasion. Ramkovski’s business empire included the influential A1 TV, which had once supported the government, but in recent years sharply turned against it. Ramkovski had also shown political ambitions, running unsuccessfully for parliament at one point, trying to appeal largely to farmers. True to form, he used his television station to advertise his campaign, and some ethnic Albanian media half-jokingly began referring to him as the “Macedonian Berlusconi.”

The cross-connections continue on the national level. The most vocal supporter of the Ramkovski cause since November 2010 has been the opposition Macedonian party SDSM, which gambled on making a ‘media freedom’ issue out of this cause célèbre. However, despite an undeniably sympathetic international diplomatic corps, the SDSM stratagem failed to destabilize the government, as Ramkovski had managed to make enough business and political enemies to preclude such a possibility.

However, the war of attrition did in some way affect ethnic and religious politics. A1’s constant assault on the government helped send a few more MPs to the SDSM in summer 2011 elections; and this trimming of the margins increased DUI’s leverage in the new post-election cabinet.

Thus, in a historic appointment that was lauded by all the foreign ambassadors, Macedonia got its first ethnic Albanian defense minister, Fatmir Besimi from DUI- exactly 10 years after the war started by his party’s founders. Of course, average Albanians were somewhat unimpressed, as the defense ministry is no longer one of the most powerful. Indeed, the army is used most often for supporting NATO missions- despite that Macedonia is still being kept out of NATO due to Greek objections to the country’s name.

Creating a New Ethnicity

A side effect of all these events is that they have accelerated developments and trends within the Muslim parties’ public discourse. In 2011, a luxury residential building that PEI leader Canoski was building in Skopje was ordered to be toppled for allegedly violating its approved design parameters. (Although on 5 January Canoski did announce that he would rebuild it). Then, at an organized event in Skopje on September 28, 2011, Canoski appeared with leaders of a Struga-based NGO, Rumelija, to pronounce the existence of a new ethnicity in Macedonia: the Torbeshi, whose rights his party pledged to champion.

The term ‘Torbeshi’ has generally been used negatively, referring to the Macedonian Muslims’ conversion from Christianity under Ottoman times; the implication is that they were people whose core beliefs could be bought for whatever one put in their bag (torba).

This term has always been controversial and has never been universally accepted by Macedonian Muslims, such as the Gorani, who inhabit northwestern Macedonia and southern Kosovo. The penetration of DUI into Macedonian Muslim villages and the presence of Turkey in municipalities such as Plasnica and Centar Zupa (another legacy of the controversial decentralization) have also fractured unity among Macedonian Muslims, and have led many to identify themselves with these groups.

The manifesto that PEI created for the event, the Torbeshka Deklaracija, strongly resembles in linguistic tone and substance similar manifestos made by all other Balkan ethnic groups in the past 150 years. The book offers new explanation of the word Torbeshi, cleansing it of its negative connotations: rather than being a synonym for opportunism, the word simply referred to people who were known for traveling with a bag.

From the historical view, we find in the text that this new-old ethnicity has medieval origins in the Bogomils – the heretical Christian sect that was most popular in parts of Bulgaria and Bosnia- something that is interesting but that cannot be proven. Other, possibly more controversial claims are that the founder of modern Egypt and Turkish leader Attaturk had Torbeshi roots. At the same time, one can find voluminous histories written by other Macedonian Muslims who passionately claim that they are in fact Macedonians. The situation is opaque, confused, and highly prone to politicization.

The desire to create a new nationality does not rest merely on sentimental attraction, however. The book also calls for the Macedonian Constitution to include the Torbeshi as a constituent people. Arguments that head in this direction, particularly since the ethnic Albanian uprising of 2001, tend to suggest participation in a quota-based system of benefits and entitlements. Most importantly for the present article is that the major element used to give coherence to this new identity – one that is depicted as being separate from the Albanian, Macedonian, Bosnian or Turkish ones – is Islam.

Politics, Ethnicity and Religion: the Creation of a Hybrid Population in Struga

The situation in Struga is not, as has been reported, a simple ‘Christian Macedonian vs. Muslim Albanian’ scenario, a sort of 2001-redux with a stronger religious element. What it actually demonstrates are intra-ethnic and intra-religious tensions- not inter-ethnic or inter-religious ones. In fact, the rivalry, discourse and cooperation of the diverse Muslim interests in Macedonia has increasingly involved manipulating the one thing they have in common, religion.

Essentially, the intermingling between the Albanian DUI and the Macedonian Muslims is creating a unique hybrid population in Macedonia. It is a very unique mix: a party created along fierce Albanian nationalist lines, with a tough paramilitary core and Muslim culture, alongside a traditionally peaceful but extremely conservative rural population characterized by arranged marriages and diaspora labor, and identifying itself strongly with Islam.

Every political party in the world seeks to expand its base and to seize more power. In order for DUI to do this in southwestern Macedonia, it has had to do two things. First, it has had to take on as local leaders and members of its local branches persons who are authoritative and respected in their own villages- meaning that some of the most devout Islamists in the Albanian party are not (or, were not) actually Albanian. Secondly, as the phrase goes, in politics you have to give the people what they want: for a population that identifies itself primarily with Islam, the campaigning and overtures to locals have also been Islam-oriented.

Thus a sort of Islamic arms race has ensued in the last seven years, with local officials from both the Albanian and Macedonian Muslim sides competing to donate money, building permissions, jobs, scholarships and more for persons, structures and activities connected with Islam, while the rhetoric is growing increasingly strong as well. And the muftis are absolutely delighted with this largesse.

The symbiotic relationship is being used by local leaders looking to prolong their grip on power, who have been taking increasingly bold stands. A prominent example was the controversial case of a 2010 mosque project in the depopulated Vlach village of Gorna Belica, above the Muslim villages in the Jablanica range. Although the government said the construction was illegal, Mayor Merko pushed hard for this Wahhabi-initiated project. According to Nova Makedonija on November 9, 2010, he stated that “no one is allowed to touch God’s house.” Before the mosque, the summer houses in the village had been used as impromptu prayer and Islamic teaching centers by Muslim youth groups.

Political Interference, Intelligence Failures, Bad Publicity and the Role of Institutions

Examined within this fuller context, the recent events in and around Struga become more striking. The protest was organized together with Struga mufti Ferhat Polisi, and received the blessings of Mayor Merko – currently of DUI, but with an uncertain future – and involved the participation of Macedonian Muslims (including members of PEI). Ethnic Albanians also participated, and some intelligence sources even place members of the Tirana-based ultranationalist Red and Black Alliance as having been in Struga at the time.

This group, which advocates a Greater (or, ‘Natural’) Albania arose in opposition to Albania’s national census, claiming that the Greek minority was being artificially enhanced. It is led by Kreshnik Spahiu who, according to Balkan Insight, recently resigned after having served for four years as deputy chairman of Albania’s High Council of Justice, because of an investigation into his activism. This group is believed to have strong connections with the Vetëvendosje (Self-Determination) nationalist party in Kosovo, which grew out of a similar youth protest movement. The Alliance also has local affiliates in Macedonia, including key supporters within DUI and DPA. Thus Macedonian investigators of the protest are trying to distinguish between the possible participants, and whether they may have had different motives.

It should be noted that due to the sudden politicization of the whole issue – which now involves the participation of the OSCE and the major embassies – a criminal investigation will likely be sacrificed for a political solution that would guarantee ‘stability.’ This is absolutely the worst result but as said above, it is not accidental. It was guaranteed the moment that the local and international media depicted the whole issue as an inter-ethnic incident. It therefore became necessary to give equal hearing to ‘both sides of the story,’ so that people who had advocated for violence were given moral equivalence with people guilty of making a joke.

Regardless of how the issue is politically ‘solved,’ investigators will be obliged to proceed professionally. There are still many unanswered questions, regarding violent attacks against churches and the replacing of a Macedonian flag with an Islamic one in Struga. The lack of answers to these important questions has frustrated many. Some senior officials are concerned that the police suffered an intelligence failure in the two weeks between the carnival and the protest.

Apparently, there had been rumblings in the mosques and a plan was being drawn up, but nothing was done to prepare for it. It was decided that the protest would be held on Saturday (market day in Struga, ensuring maximum turnout from the nearby villages), and announced in the mosques beforehand. And, somewhere in the villages, someone was able to print and bind (not just photocopy) dozens of copies of violent, 12-page propaganda pamphlets specifically referencing the Vevchani Carnival. These revealing texts were not mentioned in the media.

There are different possible reasons for the failure to predict, contain or foil the protest. Internal relocation of intelligence officers knowledgeable about Islamist groups, prioritization issues, and simply other distractions may have been to blame. It should not be forgotten that during the month of January the government was intensively preparing for two much-hyped and high-profile events: the five-day visit of a large British investment delegation headed by Prince Michael of Kent (from 28 January through 1 February), along with a six-city tour of Turkey by Macedonian officials, seeking to drum up investment interest from this major ally (from 29 January-3 February).

These two events most certainly required significant and time-consuming police work on protocol, logistics and security cooperation that would easily have taken precedence over any goings-on in a backwater like Struga, especially if nothing out of the ordinary was expected to happen there. Thus, if there ever was a moment in which someone could secretly gin up trouble for a distracted Macedonian leadership, and embarrass it at the same time, that moment would have certainly been January 2012.

Absolutely the last thing President Ivanov needed during an official British visit was to be taking time to entreat Reis Rexhepi to get his followers to cool down, and it was certainly not ideal timing either for Macedonian officials to have to deal with charges of ‘Islamophobia’ in the world media while trying to build friendships in Muslim Turkey. Indeed, just when the government had expected to be highlighting foreign investment interest before two key allies, world media was instead showing churches in flames and angry Muslim mobs protesting with Arabic flags in the street. Not auspicious.

Despite the temptation to proceed more quickly, senior officials are letting the police investigation run its course. This is due to respect for the legal responsibilities institutions have in such cases, and undoubtedly it is also a nod to the ‘confidence-building’ measures that accompany every similarly politicized case in Macedonia in which the ‘international community’ gets involved. Yet the hands-off approach is also due to the need to oversee what the final outcome will be: the actual information trail may end up telling a more interesting story than could be imagined, in terms of the sources, information and disinformation, and the way the whole system is used to arrive at an intelligence result.

Knowledge Gaps and the Hidden Hand: Tablighi Jamaat in Macedonia

Perhaps we can help speed things up a bit, however. In October of 2011, a meeting was held in Labunista by visiting members of the global Islamist missionary group Tablighi Jamaat, according to secret intelligence obtained by Balkanalysis.com. All of the men were Macedonian Muslims originally from the Struga villages, but living in Switzerland and Austria. One of the topics of discussion was future collaboration between the sect’s Macedonian and Bosnian Muslims (at home and in the West) and the chiefly Albanian tekfiri militant wing, based in Skopje, which is believed to have contacts with Bosniak tekfiri groups in Austria.

Although plenty of ‘famous’ local Islamists have been mentioned in local media, the leader of this wing is known to very few, and the structure itself remains elusive. Senior officials attest that this is largely due to the age bracket of the membership (17-25) and the many operational difficulties that arise due to this serious limiting factor.

Barring a major and chronic security problem in the host country, the US tends to use institutional partnership and delegate non-essential intelligence tasks. The host country is usually eager to participate, but may not have the requisite capabilities. This becomes problematic when a target is too elusive but a report needs to be submitted anyway, since no one likes to admit failure or weakness. Since not even the US invests in cross-checking data in this particular theater of activity, no one is the wiser if the information turns out to be flawed or insufficient.

For two examples, American officials did not know about crucial splits within the tekfiri and Salafi leadership until six weeks ago, and they did not know at all about the attempted creation of a weapons training center by local Muslims in Labunista in summer 2010 (or that the counter-intelligence service was investigating its possible links to Albanian militants) until almost a year later. Both facts are very interesting for several reasons. And while a careful reading of the leaked US cables discussing Islamism in Macedonia indicates knowledge of some of the most prominent Islamic personalities in the country, it does not indicate awareness of those figures who are truly dangerous. For that you have to do your own research rather than delegate it.

The new details regarding the solidification of Tablighi involvement in Macedonia are highly interesting, as it indicates increasing cooperation between young extremists from a multi-ethnic background. Balkanalysis.com, probably alone among world media, has for the past six or seven years focused on the activities of the missionary group in Macedonia. Yet only now can the fuller story be told.

According to senior officials, the movement’s roots in the country date back to 1993. At that time, a (still active) ethnic Albanian from Tetovo, who had been living in Scandinavia in the late 1980s, became involved with the missionary group in Pakistan and developed good connections among Tablighi members, there and in Afghanistan. (It should be remembered that at that time, the “Arab-Afghan” jihadis were being redirected from the former war against the Soviets in Afghanistan to the war against Serbs and Croats in Bosnia). This figure provided the key local connections for Albanian and Macedonian Muslims who had gone to study in the Middle East. It is estimated that 30-50 Macedonian nationals were thus trained in the mujahideen camps in Pakistan due to this connection.

Since the late 1990s, Tablighi members have been showing up in the Struga villages. A Labunista local tells Balkanalysis.com that they made a favorable impression on him at first sight, back in 1999. “They were very nice, and you could see they were real believers and educated,” he said of the white-robed missionaries, who said they were in the village to see local friends who had studied Islamic theology in the Middle East. “They were cool- they didn’t care about anything [political].”

The Tablighi movement started in 1926 in Pakistan as a reaction to Hindu missionary activity, and has its European headquarters in England, from where much of its outreach to the Balkans has come. The group’s plans to build a ‘mega-mosque’ there have caused great controversy. Despite claiming to be entirely apolitical, this broad network of believers has drawn significant attention from various governments, as several individuals connected to high-profile terrorist plots or attempted plots have been known to frequent Tablighi mosques.

There is a vast literature on the movement, so there is no need to go into great detail here. But it is interesting to note a couple of defining features of the movement. Like missionary groups from other religions, it tends to target socially disadvantaged or excluded populations; in Macedonia, this includes not only the long-suffering Macedonian Muslims but impoverished Roma populations, as well as non-Muslims with mental or drug-related problems. The second interesting feature, and the one most relevant to the current investigation, is the group’s apolitical identity, and decentralized, secretive and network-based character. In ‘emerging market’ countries like Macedonia, the movement can keep a low profile, never being associated directly with anything, but often being involved behind the scenes by manipulating the pre-existing internal conflicts and political infighting within Muslim communities for their own ends. It cannot be proven that this is what occurred in Struga in January 2012, but it would fit the profile.

In 2005, the Macedonian counterintelligence service, DBK (now UBK) discovered that Pakistani and British Pakistani missionaries had recently visited the Struga villages, which indicates that the pattern was still going on at that time. Local Muslims told Balkanalysis.com a few months later that a small number of young believers would go for periods of 3-4 months to Pakistan and Afghanistan for spiritual training. From the latest information, it now appears that Macedonian Muslims in the diaspora (chiefly Italy, Austria, Switzerland and Slovenia) have assumed more prominent decision-making roles due to their connections and activities, meaning that direct cooperation with such foreigners is no longer necessary.

An intense but limited period of foreign intelligence activity occurred from 2004-2006 in the Struga villages, first from the French and then Italian intelligence services. Official secret documents obtained by Balkanalysis.com thereafter indicate that diaspora members of these villages were very much engaged with some of the most radical Islamist leaders in Bosnia and Austria, helping to organize their visits in the area. Arab, Albanian and other foreign Islamist leaders were also included in this network. The Italians were so concerned that they expelled two Macedonian citizens and briefly detained over 30 more on suspicions of radicalism. (Another local Muslim who knew some of these men, however, told us that this must have been a mistake as they were not radical. Since this is a standard reply in similarly tight-knit communities, it is impossible to confirm or deny the claim).

The recent information is so concerning because until now, no one could have expected Macedonian Muslims to be violent: conservative yes, but violent- never. The strategic significance of the recent protests may thus have more dangerous implications than the 2001 inter-ethnic war: for in Struga, Macedonians of different religions were presented as enemies for the first time. We can only hope that this is not a sign of things to come, but with the continuous infighting for votes and influence within Macedonia’s diverse Muslim populations being manifested in increasingly vociferous displays of political Islam, the divisions could worsen over time.

One of the most likely triggers will be the national census: deferred twice in 2011 due to ethnic Albanian objections, it will bring all of the simmering disputes over ethnicity and the internally-debated identity of Muslims to the surface. The next round of elections in Macedonia in 2013 will also bring with them opportunities for new incidents. It seems likely that non-Muslims will continue to be caught in the crossfire of the internal war between Muslim parties, in those areas of the country where the rivalries are strongest.

Brief Chronology

*Note: this timeline is not meant to imply any connection of events. It simply lists the order of recent contemporaneous events that are mentioned in this article or that may have relevance to it, in reverse chronological order.

February 11, 2012: The mayors of Struga and Vevchani hold a five-hour meeting, coming out after it with a joint declaration of future friendship and cooperation

February 1, 2012: Macedonian-language graffiti found on mosque in southern city of Bitola reading ‘death to Shiptarite (Albanians)’- perpetrators unknown, but some media pointed out that the unusual combination of Cyrillic and Latin letters in text might point at a non-native speaker

January 31, 2012: Church of Sveti Gjorgi in the Tetovo-area village of Mala Recica – headquarters of the incumbent ethnic Albanian DUI party – suffers arson attack by unknown persons; local Albanians help to put out fire

January 31, 2012: Macedonian President Gjorge Ivanov brings together Orthodox and Muslim chief leaders, his personal good relations with the Reis, Sulejman Rexhepi, result in a strong call for peace and restraint from Rexhepi

January 30 and 31, 2012: The Associated Press and Reuters publish three damaging articles that soon spread to major US newspapers and websites, sensationalizing the events and placing them within an ‘inter-ethnic’ context evocative of the 2001 war

January 30, 2012: The Church of Sveti Nikola in Muslim-majority village of Labunista is hit with a nighttime arson attack; police find no suspects, and some local Muslims suggest that ‘Christians’ were somehow responsible

January 29, 2012: Macedonian government officials leave for a six-day trip to Turkey to highlight investment opportunities for Turkish businessmen in Macedonia

January 28, 2012: A large delegation of British businessmen led by Prince Michael of Kent arrives on a five-day visit, to meet high-level officials and learn about investment opportunities throughout the country

January 28, 2012: A minibus containing Vevchani passengers is stoned by angry Muslims in Struga; a cross on a church in Macedonian Muslim-majority village of Labunista is attacked, as is the village’s medical center, reportedly because people from Vevchani are employed there

January 28, 2012: A large and pre-organized Islamic protest occurs in Struga; Muslim masses chanting Allahu Akbar wave Albanian and Islamic flags, and condemn the Vevchani Carnival for insulting Islam

January 19, 2012: The Greek government lodges an official protest note against the Vevchani Carnival over its satire of Greece’s financial woes

January 15, 2012: Alfa TV from Skopje reports that the Struga VMRO-DPMNE branch will seek Constitutional Court input over the municipal budget, illegally passed 10 days earlier by Mayor Merko’s supporters

January 13-14, 2011: The annual Vevchani Carnival is held in the Macedonian Orthodox village of the same name; local and international media discuss it in a positive light soon after

January 13, 2011: The Macedonian government announces that an important British trade delegation led by Prince Michael of Kent will visit the country in two weeks’ time

January 5, 2012: Struga’s council illegally passes a 13.5-million euro 2012 municipal budget, five days after the deadline, with Mayor Merko’s DUI party getting extra votes from SDSM councilors; VMRO-DPMNE and PEI local councilors abstain from the voting

December 31, 2011: Deadline expires for Struga to pass the 2012 budget. By law, the Ministry of Finance in Skopje must intercede- meaning monetary control would leave the hands of local leaders

December 5, 2011: The International Court of Justice rules on a case brought by Macedonia, upholding Macedonian charges that Greece violated the 1995 Interim Accord by blocking Macedonia’s NATO membership at Bucharest in 2008; although the ruling does not specify punitive measures, the Greek MFA instructs its diplomats that they should follow a more aggressive policy of criticizing alleged Macedonian violations of the Accord, as frequently as possible

November 11, 2011: The Skopje-based British Business Group organizes Macedonian leaders’ investment presentation in London before potential investors, along with a meeting with Prince Michael of Kent, amid plans to arrange a British visit to Macedonia; the event would be followed in mid-December by two unofficial scouting trips to Skopje from an investor representative

November, 2011: DUI leaders reportedly decide that incumbent Struga Mayor Ramiz Merko will not be allowed to run on their ticket in the 2013 local elections; local doctor Artim Labunisti is suggested as a possible candidate

October, 2011: A meeting is held in Labunista by local Muslims visiting from the diaspora, members of the global Islamist missionary group Tablighi Jamaat; one of the discussion topics of discussion is future collaboration with a Skopje-based tekfir militant group

September 28, 2011: At a public event in Skopje hosted by Rumelija, an NGO close to Macedonian Muslim businessman and MP Fiat Canoski, the ‘Torbeshi Declaration’ is announced, voicing support for the creation of a new national ethnic group, the Muslim Torbeshi. Printed estimates are that between 100,00-150,000 citizens could be thus identified, which would make the Torbeshi the second-largest national minority

Looking for More Balkanalysis.com Publications?

Find Balkanalysis.com articles in the Central And Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL)

Buy Balkanalysis.com articles and e-books for Amazon Kindle

[George S.]

Albanians vandalize own mosque to counter negative publicity



Thursday, 02 February 2012



MINA. Many described as "uneducated" the individual who wrote several graffiti on a Bitola Mosque. The idea was for media to report a story of supposedly a Christian vandalizing a mosque!!



However, this orchestrated vandalism is almost certainly an act of ethnic Albanian Muslims. The reason for this as both local population and police state the culprit wrote the graffiti in terrible Macedonian, mixing both the Latin and Cyrillic alphabets!?



"A Macedonian won't butcher both the language and the alphabet as this individual did, not a chance!" says a local who saw the graffiti.



It is well known most Albanians aren't able to write in Cyrillic, however the individual sure made a valiant effort to do so.



Macedonians in Bitola laughed off the "incident" claiming Albanians were trying to portray the Christians as bad after being slammed by the international community (including official Tirana) for burning a Macedonian Church few days ago.



The Irony of it all



While ethnic Albanian Muslims damage Christian churches, a group of Albanians in the village of Mala Rechica has been asking local officials to donate building materials and money to rebuild the St. George Church after they themselves burned it in 2001.

News has spread from the village that after the 13th century Church was burned, each child born to an ethnic Albanian Muslim in Mala Rechica had physical and or mental defects.



Over the years, a total of 14 children in a row were born with severe physical disabilities. The local Albanian Muslim families spooked that they may have been cursed for burning the Church, have been in a frantic mode to rebuild the Church as soon as possible, even willing to pay for it!



Some Albanians have learned their lessons that it’s wrong to burn sacred places. MINA had found the first in line to put out the fire at the Macedonian Church in Labunista few days ago were ethnic Albanians.



Authorities believe the problem comes from radical extremists among the Albanian population who have been to and accepted the wahabis teachings from Saudi Arabia, UAE, Pakistan etc. The last protest in Struga was attended by veiled women and long bearded man holding signs written in Arabic?!

The question is who are these people and when is police going to make arrests?

MINA finds police sources in Skopje do not exclude the possibility this "negative" image and the supposed inter ethnic tensions may be the work of Greek agents prior to the NATO Summit.