Risto Stefov - Articles, Translations & Collaborations

[momce]

No wonder the whole Europe is fed up with these bastards.

[Chiche]

How sad, our people in Greece are fighting to revert to their original names, yet in Australia it is very easy to change, but very few have done it. Why do you think this is so????

[Peshoshnitsa Lerin]

One reason a lot of people in Australia do not change there names back if because when we go back we get hassled my dad went back even with his Grk last name they kept him at Athens airport and made him have a hard time to explain what he is doing there and checking his luggage just giving him a really hard time because we are from Lerin I have herd many stories vary similar and even worse, me myself I would love to one day change my name to our real name but just so long as I know I can go back to Lerin and Solun see my family and not get knocked back at the border, this year when I went with my partner who is born in The Republic of Macedonia we entered through the Macedonian grk border and had no problems actually when we got to the grk border and I had to show out passports officer man asked in grk something then in English I replied sorry don’t understand, then he asked me were are yours going and I said Florina and he replied in Macedonian, imash familija ou Lerin then I explained were we from and he was very friendly and wished us a safe stay, but then it makes me think what if we didn’t get a nice officer I have herd some very bad stories about the border.

[Chiche]

Well, I do think that reason is not good enough, Sorry to say. Imagine if all Macedonians in Australia, USA and Canada reverted to their Rightful Names and booked to visit Greece, would they restrict or deny entry to the thousands of Macedonians at her door step. Also how would they know we are Macedonian, our passports say Australia, USA or Canada. No more excuses Macedonians, revert to you RIGHTFUL NAMES!!!!!

[Peshoshnitsa Lerin]

Chiche if there were some sort of protest where we gathered thousands of us to do that then I would defiantly be in. and maby when the world sees us and can see the truth they would return our rightful land to!

[George S.]

crazy as they don't want anything else but greek macedonian.

[George S.]

One parliamentary decision - two different readings

One parliamentary decision - two different readings

Celebrating 100th Anniversary of the Albanian flag in Macedonia

Celebrated at the expense of the state

By Jacqueline Hadzi-Zafirova

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov



After two days of heated debate on the Program for marking important events and personalities in 2012, members of parliament voted with 55 votes “for”, 1 vote “against” and 28 abstained. Among the items added to the program were the 100th anniversary of the Albanian flag and the appointment of Mehmet Deralla as defense minister in the first government of Albania. The celebration of the anniversary of the Albanian flag was to be organized by the Institute for Cultural and Spiritual Heritage of Albanians, with a one hour formal presentation. Immediately after the Program was adopted the parties began to bicker with each other regarding the program’s content.



There was a hot debate in the Assembly the previous two days during which the opposition (SDSM) demanded the removal of the proposals for the Albanian flag and for the appointment of Mehmet Deralla. SDSM’s proposals were not passed. DUI opposed the amendments and voted against them while VMRO-DPMNE abstained.



According to Silvana Boneva from VMRO-DPMNE, the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the Albanian flag is supported by the Law on use of flags passed in 2005, during which time it was established that the Albanian flag was a symbol of the Albanian community in Macedonia. This position was defended by Talat Xhaferi from DUI, who yesterday, in response to SDSM demands, said the following to the media: “What SDSM is doing has more to do with current politics and less to do with the Albanian flag which is defined by law as a symbol for all Albanians in Macedonia, a law on the use of flags passed in 2005. At that time DUI was in coalition with SDSM. If there is any error it is in the law which we (SDSM and DUI) proposed together, and with this law we chose this flag with this appearance,” said Xhaferi. He believes the amendment to the Program proposed by SDSM has more to do with current politics and does not contribute to the calming of passions.



After the passing the Program, SDSM made the following statement: “VMRO-DPMNE through their media megaphones is attempting to wash its political shame and hypocrisy. The facts are as follows: Today, in 2012, VMRO-DPMNE MPs voted in Parliament to allow the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the Albanian flag and the 100th anniversary of the naming of the first Albanian defense minister, to be paid with public funds.” In response to rumours that surfaced on a website that “flag day will be celebrated as a national holiday”, SDSM went further and said that VMRO-DPMNE MPs did not support SDSM’s amendments to the Program to remove these events.



“With this hypocrisy Prime Minister Gruevski fell in hot water with his January 23rd, quazi-patriotic statement that his government will not fund anniversaries and celebrations of other countries. This continuation of bargaining between Gruevski and Ahmeti is done to maintain their tender coalition. More frightening than this is VMRO-DPMNE’s audacious underestimation of its own people whom it is trying to convince of its false patriotism with a cheap propaganda strategy,” said SDSM.



Other items included in the 2012 program were; the marking of 150 years since the death of the Miladinov brothers, 20 years since the introduction of the denar, the Macedonian currency and five years after Toshe Proeski’s death. Among the proposed anniversaries included are; the 110 anniversary of the birth of writer Vasil Iljoski and Stale Popov, 100 years since the birth Kiril Penushliski, founder of Macedonian folklore, 100 years after the death of revolutionary Pere Toshev, 70 years after the death of folk heroes Tsvetan Dimov, Mite Bogoevski, Stiv Naumov, Orde Chopela...



WHILE ALBANIANS UNITE, WE CONTINUE TO ELECT POLITICIANS THAT DIVIDE US! What can I say??? Risto…





Една парламентарна одлука - две различни читања

Стогодишнината на албанското знаме во Македонија, сепак, ќе се одбележува на трошок на државата

Жаклина Хаџи-Зафирова



По дводневна жолчна расправа, пратениците, со 55 гласа „за“, 28 „воздржани“ и еден „против“ ја изгласаа Програмата за одбележување значајни настани и личности за 2012 година. Во Програмата, сепак, влегоа, стогодишнините од албанското знаме и од назначувањето на Мехмет Дерала за министер за одбрана во првата влада на Албанија. Одбележувањето на јубилејот од албанското знаме ќе го организира Институтот за културно и духовно наследство на Албанците, со едночасовна свечена академија. Веднаш по донесувањето на програмата, меѓу партиите почнаа да фрчат соопштенија и препукувања околу нејзината содржина.



Претходните два дена во Собранието се водеше жестока расправа, во која опозицијата бараше отстранување на предлозите за одбележување на стогодишнините од албанското знаме и од назначувањето на Мехмет Дерала за министер за одбрана во првата влада на Албанија. Сепак, овие предлози не поминаа. ДУИ гласаше против амандманите од опозицијата, додека од ВМРО-ДПМНЕ беа воздржани.



Според Силвана Бонева од ВМРО-ДПМНЕ, потребата да се прослави 100-годишнината од албанското знаме произлегува од Законот за употреба на знамињата што беше донесен во 2005 година, а во кој е утврдено дека албанското знаме е симбол на албанската етничка заедница во Македонија. Овие ставови ги бранеше и Талат Џафери од ДУИ, кој вчера најави изјава за медиумите како реакција на однесувањето на СДСМ околу дебатата за овој настан. „Ова што го направија СДСМ е за дневнополитички цели од причина што албанското знаме како симбол е определено за сите Албанци во Македонија со Законот за употреба на знамињата донесен во 2005 година. Тогаш ДУИ беше во коалиција со СДСМ. Некоректноста е во тоа што законот сме го донеле заедно, а со него е определено ова знаме, со овој изглед“, изјави Џафери. Тој смета дека амандманот што го предложиле СДСМ за да се симне овој настан од програмата е за дневнополитички цели и не придонесува за смирување на страстите, туку напротив ги подгрева.



СДСМ, по изгласувањето на програмата, испрати соопштение во кое вели: „ВМРО-ДПМНЕ преку своите медиумски мегафони се обидува да го испере својот политички срам и лицемерие. Фактите се следни: Денес во Собранието пратениците на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ изгласаа во 2012 година со народни пари да се слави 100-годишнината од албанското знаме и 100- годишнината од именувањето на првиот албански министер за одбрана“. Како одговор на шпекулациите кои се појавија на дел од сајтовите дека „денот на знамето нема да се слави како државен празник“, од СДСМ појаснуваат дека пратениците на ВМРО-ДПМНЕ не ги поддржале нивните амандмани овие настани да се симнат од програмата.



„Со ова лицемерие падна во вода квазипатриотската изјава на премиерот Груевски од 23 јануари со која тој излажа дека неговата Влада нема да финансира јубилеи и прослави на други држави. Ова продолжение на пазарењето меѓу Груевски и Ахмети е за опстојување на тендерската коалиција. Уште пострашно е што ВМРО-ДПМНЕ безобразно го потценува сопствениот народ обидувајќи се со евтина пропагандна стратегија да го прикрие својот лажен патриотизам“, обвинуваат од СДСМ.



Инаку, во Програмата за 2012 е предвидено одбележување и на 150 години од смртта на браќата Миладиновци, 20 години од воведувањето на македонската валута денар, пет години од смртта на Тоше Проески. Меѓу предложените годишнини за личности се и 110 од раѓањето на писателите Васил Иљоски и Стале Попов, 100 години од раѓањето на Кирил Пенушлиски, основоположникот на македонската фолклористика, 100 години од смртта на револуционерот Пере Тошев, 70 години од смртта на народните херои Цветан Димов, Мите Богоевски, Стив Наумов, Орде Чопела...

[George S.]

On the Road of Time – Chapter 19 – Part 1



By Petre Nakovski

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

[email protected]

December 2, 2012



We returned from Bureli on the same road and took the highway leading to Tirana. We were surprised by the large number of ongoing developments in the area. To the left and right of the highway there were numerous hangars and factories painted in various colours and with U.S., German, Italian, French and Spanish flags flying on their roofs. The region before Tirana had grown with a large industrial zone along the new roads leading to the seaside towns. Albania, it seems, was coming to life.



The mountain road took us to Elbasan where, west of the town, at the foot of the mountain, we saw olive trees with olives maturing on them. Among the olive trees there were grey buildings with cracks in their façade. This was a hospital complex where thousands of wounded Partisans from the Greek Civil War had been brought to be treated.



From Elbasan we took the road that led us to the Durres harbour. Here we strolled along the docks admiring the anchored ships. We walked from one end of the harbour to the other listening to ship sirens and seagull calls flooding the air with sounds, slowly awakening sleeping memories in us.



How had they determined who was to blame for DAG’s (Democratic Army of Greece) defeat since they never reported that DAG was defeated in the first place. Had they not said that, “they did not lose the armed struggle, but temporarily suspended it?” And what about their weapons, were they ever laid down or merely set aside? The day after they assembled in Bureli, Athens threatened Tirana. If Albania continued to protect the “bandits” in its territory, which the Greek government army failed to crush in Gramos, Greece would declare war on Albania. Tirana, being well aware of the situation even before it was threatened by Athens, made an urgent request to Moscow to find a solution. And a solution was found.



The wounded and the entire refugee population were to be accepted by Warsaw, Prague, Budapest and Bucharest. The armed and capable fighters were to be accepted by Moscow and taken as far away from Europe as possible. This was what I was recently told by a ninety year old man named Stefo, who, through the entire Greek Civil War, was a driver, driving an old Czech “Tatra” on the roads from Durres - Elbasan - Prenies-Pogradets - Korcha - Bilista - Prespa and often from Prespa to Jasenovo and Katlanovo. Food, weapons and ammunition were set aside on one side and the wounded on the other side.



“On that road,” Stefo said, “I knew every corner, every pothole and every rock sticking out of every cobblestone road… I could drive with my eyes closed and I never had an accident. And please don’t record my surname. Let me remain ‘unknown’ as there are so many of us ‘unknown’ out there. Are names more important than the deeds we did? I was just an ordinary driver, a chauffeur to hundreds of wounded who my Czech “Tatras” transported to hospitals in Korcha, Elbasan and Sukt and to Jasenovo and Katlanovo and from there, with their wounds still not fully closed, back to Prespa. Wounded there - semi-healed back. I drove all night and all day. The days were rare, very rare when we got a full day’s or night’s rest.



The women from the Kostur, Prespa and Lerin Region villages carried the wounded to the border. They carried the fighters on stretchers, blankets and overcoats and the ammunition on horses and mules. The women were responsible for transporting wounded and ammunition directly to and from the battlefields. Oh, those women ... exhausted, out of breath, putting down the stretchers slowly, staring at the pale faces of the wounded, begging them to hold on, moistening their cheeks, lips and foreheads with their damp black head kerchiefs, holding their hands to comfort them and lessen their pain. Oh those women fatigued and with sunken faces, rubbing their shoulders to ease their pain from the heavy stretchers. We had no words to exchange, just a grip of the hand, to say goodbye to some until later and to others to say goodbye forever…



I often secretly wiped my tears when, after a day, after a week and rarely after a month, I had to drive the same boys and girls to the same hospitals from which I had brought them back. Were they complaining? Were they bent over with pain? Where they praying? They were doing all of those things lying there with their bodies mutilated. They begged me to drive slower when they were hurting badly. They begged me not to hit bumps and to avoid potholes on rugged roads. They begged me to give them water...



Was it difficult for me? The hardest thing for me was when we unloaded them in the hospital yard and found some not moving. You drove them all night long, you tried to comfort them, you prayed for them and encouraged them to hold on and then they didn’t make it. You begged them to stop moaning, you promised them that there was only one more curve to go before the road levelled out, you assured them that the hospital was near and when you got there you found them motionless, cold and they looked at you with glass eyes. That was the hardest thing for me. Then I had to do it again… and again… and again…



So instead of putting them on a stretcher and straight onto a hospital bed, we left them outside covered with a blanket, waiting to be taken to a place from where nobody returns. Did we have time to rest? We did not know what rest was. We never turned off the engines. We were there for as long as it took to offload everyone, then we fueled the trucks and after that we turned around and went straight to the warehouses. There we loaded the trucks with crates of ammunition, picked up the fighters who had recovered from their wounds and headed back to Smrdesh or Breznitsa. Then between the time it took to offload the crates and the recovered fighters and the time it took to load the new wounded, we stole a bit of time for a wink of sleep, to stretch our legs and relax our backs. Then we were back doing the same thing, day and night.



I knew the road like the back of my hand. Who did I talk to while I drove? I talked to myself. Okay old truck, I used to say, let’s go and be careful you don’t go off the road, be careful you don’t flip over, be careful you don’t stall. And whenever we got a chance to stop and form a column of trucks, I caressed my truck, telling it bravo you old truck, you held out. Then before driving again I would say please hold on even longer, please don’t give out on the steep road, take the corner smoothly and take the hill courageously. One time it gave up on me.



I was driving uphill by a very sharp turn, somewhere close to the entrance of Kiafasan. It was a steep grade and a very sharp turn… It was winter and as soon as I took the bend an avalanche of snow broke off from up higher and poured over the truck. Heaven and earth all disappeared under snow. Mine was the first truck leading the column. I broke through the snow and yelled at the top of my voice. The other drivers ran towards me, shovelled the snow with their arms and legs and freed me. Then we opened up the road to the top of the hill, past the last curve. Unfortunately my troubles were not over.



When I tried to restart the truck, the engine growled once and died. I tried again and again but it did not want to start. I came down and asked the other drivers to come up and give me a push. We got the truck moving but still could not get the engine to start. We pushed it back and forth but the engine would not start. Then I noticed the road under the snow was icy. I asked for help to get the wounded off the truck and we laid them down on the side of the road in the snow. The wind, what can I tell you, twisting and howling blew from above bringing down snow and cold air. We pushed and pushed and brought the truck to the top of the hill.



Then we returned for the wounded and one by one we carried them to the top in blankets and overcoats. We loaded them side by side on the truck but I was missing two. We went back looking for them, yelling and calling for them but there was only silence. We began to dig in the snow with our hands and finally we found them; they were buried in the falling snow. They were stone cold, frozen… We could not help them any more… The engine too was dead but I had a solution for it. I took my overcoat off and cut it to strips with my dagger, I then placed it into a pile under the engine, soaked it with gasoline and lit it on fire. As soon as the moisture evaporated the engine started and we were off again.



The downhill road from Kiafasan to Prenies was very steep and full of sharp turns so I had to drive with my brakes fully applied all the way down. Our engines sometimes would stall under such circumstances and until we were able to start them again the wounded had to endure pain and the cold. Being in pain and cold, they often took their frustration out on us, swearing and yelling at us. Sometimes they even threatened to kill us but when they were yelling like that we knew that they were alive...


What? You are asking me for my name again? Please don’t ask me for my name. I don’t want it written down. Let me be anonymous just like the two men who froze to death in the snow at the great curve before the saddle of Mount Kiafasan… When we lost Vicho Region, thousands of civilians and Partisans fled to Albania. At first all trucks were left to the disposal of the military. We loaded ammunition during the night and, over Korcha in the dark of night, we drove it to the Albanian-Greek border where we off loaded it at the approaches to Gramos. The fighters came during the night, picked it up and delivered it directly to the battlefields. I have no idea how many thousands of government soldiers were waiting for them.



The heavy battles began on August 27th. Government forces were attacking with military aircraft and artillery while our forces were fighting back with rifles and machine guns. The heavy weapons were left at Vicho and fell into enemy hands. What happened up there was not combat but a slaughter. The Partisans went into battle in open space with no trenches or bunkers to protect them. We the drivers, after delivering the weapons, were ordered to return to Korcha where we were split into two groups. One group collected those fleeing from Koreshtata who had managed to bring everything from home and were burning under the hot sun in Vrbnik and approaching Bilishta.



The other group collected those fleeing from Prespa, who after a short stay in Zvezda and Poiani were chased out and had to travel to Pogradets on foot. There were all sorts of people young and old, livestock, sheep, goats, oxen, cows, calves and carts. We left everything behind except for the people and their bags with their most essential items. The livestock was left behind to roam in the Albanian villages, fields and meadows.



Who collected the livestock? No one, the livestock were not taken to Pogradets. Only people walked along the long and dusty road in a long and endless line. The column of trucks was waiting for them just outside Pogradets. It took a long time to load everyone, old men and old women, women with infants in their arms, sick people… The column of trucks pulled out and then stopped at the exit of Pogradets. A couple of women were carried out to the lakeshore, why I don’t know. Then the person leading the column went to see what was happening and after swearing a lot ordered the column to move again. In the evening we offloaded the people outside of Elbasan and without any rest went back to take more people and brought them to the same place outside of Elbasan.



I picked up some women, one of whom had just given birth and her baby cried non-stop, continuously. It was one of the worst trips I had ever made. I was used to adults grunting and moaning but not to a baby crying. The mother cried too and I had no idea how to help them so when we got to Prenies I stopped the truck and left two mothers and their babies with the administration.



We left the people outside of Elbasan under the naked sky and returned to Korcha where we waited for further orders. Here we found out that our Partisans were retreating from Gramos and entering Albanian territory where they were ordered by Albanian officers to surrender their weapons and hide in the shadows of a pine forest. It was August 30 and aircraft were flying along the border. We heard bombs and cannon shells explode all over the place. I knew what was happening without having to ask, so as soon as my truck was loaded with thirty heavily wounded fighters I went straight to Korcha and immediately hurried back. The roads were filled with our people and no one was singing or chanting slogans as they used to before. They had their heads bowed down, some wearing dirty and bloody bandages. Hungry and thirsty they kept walking on these unfamiliar Albanian roads. It did not matter if they were wounded or healthy; they all looked sick because their souls were suffering...



The first truck stopped and waited for the rest of the trucks to catch up so that a proper column could be formed. We wanted to form tight columns and drive fast but that did not always work. At the last corner before Prenies we had to reduce our speed because a river of men and women poured out of the barracks. The highway was crowded with people and we could not tell what they were saying from the shouting, but we knew very well what was hidden behind the yelling, crying and begging. After a few days we also collected them and took them to the meadows outside of Elbasan. They remained there, under the naked sky, for a month and maybe longer... Then we got orders to collect all the wounded from all the hospitals in Korcha, Elbasan, Tirana and those in Sukt, even those whose wounds were still open, and transport them to the Port of Durres.



We, the drivers, were the first people to learn about the move out of Albania. We knew that both the military and civilian refugees would soon be moved out of Albania. So using our trucks we collected all wounded first and took them to the Port of Durres,” concluded Stefo.



The reader can find more information about the refugees taken to Poland in the book ‘The Greek Hospital on the island Volin,’ whose author was the organizer and chief surgeon of the special military hospital, code named ‘250’, then Major, later Brigadier General, Dr. Vladislav Barchikovski. Among his valuable and worthy recorded testimony you will also find the following information:



“As can be seen from the story told by General Leszek Kshemjenj, then deputy commander of the Shlesk Military District for political and educational issues, in the beginning of the summer of 1949 he asked to see Boleslav Bjerut, the first secretary of the Central Committee of PORP. Considering the complicated international situation, he brought to his attention the plight of the Partisans from the Greek Civil War. He was particularly touched by the fate of the wounded and sick, especially the children, women and elders. He was shaken by the prospect of their destruction as a result of the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece. Boleslav Bjerut strongly emphasized the importance of Proletariat Internationalism as a basic ideological principle of communism and stressed that, as we were helped by other countries in our struggle comrades, it is now our turn to help and provide humanitarian aid...



The military, which was equipped with the best organizational readiness, could take care of the evacuation, transportation, treatment and rehabilitation. The civilian authorities could then take care of accommodation and adjustments to life. He said he was personally interested in giving those unlucky people not only material assistance but also friendship from the heart. As a member of the military leadership in the territory where the new immigrants were to be accommodated in the future, General Kshemjenj ordered that he be regularly informed about their situation. General Kshemjenj began to work on this project immediately but only for a short time. He was replaced by General Vaclav Komar, chief organizer and implementer of the immigrants from the Greek Civil War case in Poland.



A group of doctors, under the leadership of Dr. Bohdan Bednarski, later Minister of Health, was dispatched from Poland to Albania towards the end of the Greek Civil War. The doctors provided the Partisans with professional medical help. There was another group of doctors who worked inside the ships that transported refugees from the shores of Albania to a place near the Polish port Svinoujshche. These doctors provided assistance and emergency surgery as required. The wounded Partisans offloaded in Shvinoujshche were transported by public health vehicles to hospital “250” in Volin Island. Later ships began to arrive in Gdansk where the wounded were offloaded and taken to Szczecin and from there were loaded on buses and taken to the hospital. Basically there were four periods during which refugees were transported. The first was at the end of July 1949, the second in the middle of September and part of October, the third in November and the fourth in December. The latter ones were sporadic and very few refugees were transported.



The third batch of refugees transported from Albania took place on July 13, 1949. The ship, with a crew of 50 people, that took them was called ‘Koshchushko’ and carried 750 wounded. They were in bad shape and needed specialist help and fast. The partly healed patients were housed at the bottom of the ship and those who needed immediate attention and dressings changed were placed in the cabins. Each patient was issued a number written on a card which hung from their neck. They were supposed to memorize the number.



While they were still in Albania, before they were loaded on the ship, rumours began to circulate among them that they would be loaded onto a Polish ship, which meant that they, most likely, would be taken to Poland. Some had met Polish doctors in Albania. Many remembered being treated by a Polish woman doctor in Sukt but they did not know her last name. To many she was known as sister Slava. She was constantly with them and cared for them, especially for women. The Greek nurses and health personnel were subordinate to her.



The wounded were not allowed to leave their bunks while passing through Gibraltar or during the short stay in Copenhagen. But the ship found itself in a terrible fog while travelling through the English Channel. The sirens blew for long periods of time and the trip lasted twelve days before it docked in Shvinoujshche Harbour on July 25. Ochinjets and Fedina were a bit surprised when, the previous day in the morning, they received a call from Colonel Kavinjski ordering them to prepare several hundred blankets, drinks in milk cans and many pots.



Everything was then loaded onto trucks and ready to go. Among the column of trucks were also the public health vehicles ready to pick up the wounded. The column of trucks sat idle for many hours waiting for orders to depart. Everyone thought the alarm had been sounded a bit too early. Then in the evening a jeep appeared from the command building and signalled the column to move. Everyone was relieved when the column left. By then everyone was also tired of waiting. The Column of trucks passed by the Mjendzivodzhe guardhouse and then it was off on its way to the port to pick up the refugees.



While travelling on its way the column was diverted into a dense wood grove. A dark looking older man with a large moustache, wearing an officer’s uniform, came out of the woods. It was Colonel Stanek. There were many people in uniforms and in civilian clothes there hiding in the woods and so were many medical vehicles. At night the entire truck column moved out and drove into the harbour where it was met by a huge ship. They began unloading the ship at dawn while it was still dark. It was cold that day. The severely wounded were placed in special baskets and offloaded from the ship by cranes. The wounded had to endure the cold and inconvenience while being offloaded but the process was quick and soon they were set on land. While this was going on a number of people, in uniforms appeared. They carefully covered the wounded with blankets, placed them on stretchers, loaded them onto the public health vehicles and drove them away.



When they were subsequently asked, all the patients said that their first impression of Poland was very pleasant. After the period of uncertainty that they had experienced before that, they found the Poles very caring and compassionate. They felt like they were in good hands. The lightly wounded got off the ship on their own and after stepping out of the ship each was issued a blanket by the soldiers standing by the bridge. After that they were escorted to the trucks and to a small number of buses. There they were given hot drinks. The wounded who had amputated legs were carried onto the vehicles by hand. One of the men cried, not because he was in pain but because of the attention he was receiving, being carried by hand. Some, to express their gratitude, petted the metal eagles on the hats of the Polish soldiers who carried them.

[Chiche]

Chiche if there were some sort of protest where we gathered thousands of us to do that then I would defiantly be in. and maby when the world sees us and can see the truth they would return our rightful land to!

DON'T WAIT FOR THE THOUSANDS, Change your name now!!

[George S.]

Association of macedonians from aegean macedon and world macedonian congress

ASSOCIATION OF MACEDONIANS FROM AEGEAN MACEDON

AND

WORLD MACEDONIAN CONGRESS

MARKING THE 68 ANNIVERSARY OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE AEGEAN BRIGADE

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

December 1, 2012



November 22, 2012, Bitola, Macedonia – On Sunday November 18, 2012 the Association of War Veterans, the Association of Macedonians from Aegean MACEDON and the World Macedonian Congress (WMC) marked the 68th anniversary of the establishment of the First Aegean Macedonian National Liberation Brigade, formed on November 18, 1944. The event took place at the Municipality of Bitola in the city of Bitola. The various delegations laid fresh flowers to honour the memory of the men and women who were members of the battalions. Among the organizations that participated were the Association of War Veterans from Bitola, the Association of Macedonians from Aegean MACEDON, the WMC, the Organization of descendants of the Macedonians from the Aegean Community in Bitola and the Macedonians from the Aegean part of Macedonia residing in Bitola.



Tashko Jovanov, President of the Union of the Macedonians from Aegean MACEDON spoke about the Aegean brigade. Among other things he said:



“Dear Macedonian brothers and sisters, sixty-eight years ago on this day, November 18, 1944, here in Bitola in front of this place, the First People’s Liberation Brigade from Aegean Macedonia was formed. After World War II Greece’s national unity government, as one of its conditions, took measures to exclude Macedonians from participating in the liberation of Aegean Macedonia. To accomplish this Greece ordered the disbanding of SNOF and placed great pressure on the Macedonians in the ELAS units. Because of this and to protect themselves from destructive CPG policies a group of Macedonian fighters left ELAS and joined the Yugoslav NOV and POM units.



The Voden, Kostur, Lerin and heavy weapons Macedonian battalions were formed in June 1944. After crossing the border into the Republic of Macedonia these fighters were gathered together in Bitola and, on November 18, 1944, were re-drafted to establish the First Aegean Brigade numbering about 2,500 fighters. I should mention here that Ilia Dimovski – Goche was appointed to the rank of Brigade Commander, Naum Peiov to Deputy Brigade Commander, Mihail Keramitchiev to Commissar and Vangel Aianovski – Oche to Deputy Commissar.



Heads of the Kostur battalion were Commander Sotir Andonovski and Commissar Vangel Mangov. Heads of the Lerin battalion were Commander Mito Tupurkovski – Titan and Commissar Nikola Shishkovski. Heads of the Voden battalion were Commander Risto Kordelov and Commissar Dinko Delevski. Heads of the Heavy Weapons Battalion were Commander Miltiadi Pop-Nikolov and Commissar Argir Kuzevski.



After the Brigade’s formation on November 18, 1944 a parade and celebrations were held in Bitola. At the end of December 1944 the Brigade was dispatched to Tetovo and Gostivar Regions to liquidate remnants of the Albanian Balisti (German allies) and Dzhemo Mefail’s gangs. After the Aegean Brigade was disbanded many of its fighters returned to Aegean Macedonia where they joined DAG and took an active part in the Greek Civil War, which lasted from 1946 to 1949.



Dear Macedonians, respected fighters, I would like to thank Mayor Vladimir Taleski and the Councillors of the Bitola Municipality for this celebration. I would also like to thank everyone who attended this memorial, especially the veterans from Aegean Macedonia who were part of the “First Aegean Brigade”, concluded Tashko Jovanov.



“Today we celebrate the establishment of the First People’s Liberation Assault Brigade from Aegean Macedonia, known as the Aegean Brigade, established on November 18, 1944. By doing this we keep the memory of the Macedonians participation in World War II alive. By doing this we are reminded of the Macedonian participation that led to the national liberation of all parts of Macedonia; a struggle for the liberation and unification of Macedonia. Macedonians were antifascists not because they were Communists. They fought in the ranks of communist Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece and Albania because the Communist parties in these countries promised them self-determination and the unification of Macedonia!” said Todor Petrov, President of the WMC.



Members of the Association of Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia and from the World Macedonian Congress visited the tomb of Andreia Chipov at the Sveta Nedela Church cemetery where Todor Petrov, President of the World Macedonian Congress, spoke about Chipov’s life and accomplishments.



About the Aegean Brigade



It is worth mentioning a few of the events that took place in Greece before and after the formation of the Aegean Brigade in Bitola on November 18, 1944.



The last German occupation forces left Greece on November 3, 1944. Over the next month or so the cabinet of the Greek right, which had not yet fully won power in Greece, was busy developing a detailed plan to liquidate, deport and forcibly expel 120,000 Macedonians.



Helping the right to carry out this monstrous plan was the left, starting with Siantos Ioannidis then head of the CPG. Ioannidis contributed to the plan by signing the May 20th, 1944 Agreement in Lebanon.



After liberating Greece, ELAS (the left) controlled 31 out of the 33 regions comprising Greece, while Zervas (the right) barely controlled two regions. All quisling military organizations were virtually liquidated and as per the Lebanon Agreement Greece’s government was to be formed from candidates from all the parties, including those from the resistance (left). However EAM and CPG (the left) were limited to having only 25% of the ministerial posts, which meant they would be a minority in the government. This drew protests from Zevgas and Karagiorgis who threatened to withdraw from the Lebanon agreement, but nothing was changed.



Siantos’s group (left) prevailed in the CPG leadership and it continued to make concessions to George Papandreou’s (right) government. Such concessions eventually resulted in the left’s capitulation when the September 26, 1944 Kazerta Agreement was signed in Italy between the opposition and Papandreou’s government forces. This Agreement called for ELAS (the People’s Liberation Army of Greece) to be placed under the command of the Papandreou government which then had the right to dissolve it at will. The Kazerta Agreement was another unauthorized step and an intentional error in the betrayal of ELAS. During the preparations for the signing of the Kazerta Agreement the CPG leadership started dismantling, first Macedonian units then the Macedonian institutions.



Not wanting to enter into conflict with ELAS, the Macedonian leadership decided to transfer part of its Macedonian forces to the territory of Vardar Macedonia and settle them in Bitola where the Aegean Brigade was formed.



On October 18, 1944 the English General, Scobey, along with Papandreou’s rightist Greek government arrived in Athens. At the same time the quisling security forces, the police and members of the “X” gang organization were rounded up. But instead of disarming them all as per the Lebanon Agreement, General Scobey ordered only ELAS to be disarmed. In protest of the English General’s behaviour all delegated ministers from PEEA (left) (Political Committee of National Liberation of Greece) resigned their positions.



On December 3, 1944 mass rallies of about 500,000 citizens, as a protest against gross interference of the British military authorities in Greece’s affairs, were held in Athens and in Piraeus. But even though the protests were peaceful the demonstrators were still attacked and beaten by armed policemen, killing and wounding about 100 protesters.



On December 4, 1944 Winston Churchill personally ordered the British forces to attack ELAS, so in addition to fighting the quisling military formations and other right-wing forces ELAS now had to fight its allies who turned their guns on them. The people at the time gave their support to ELAS and resisted. The fighting in Athens lasted 33 days. On January 4 and 5, 1945 ELAS forces left Athens.



Last CPG leadership betrayal was the signing of the February 12, 1945 Varkiza (near Athens) Agreement which terminated ELAS’s activities on February 28, 1945. The Varkiza agreement was the end to ELAS and the beginning of the Greek Civil War. With the deactivation of ELAS, the Greek right became master of the country with carte blanche to carry out its goal against ELAS members and especially against the Macedonian people.





СОЈУЗ НА МАКЕДОНЦИТЕ ОД ЕГЕЈОТ МАКЕДОН И СВЕТСКИ МАКЕДОНСКИ КОНГРЕС



ОДБЕЛЕЖАНА 68. ГОДИШНИНА ОД ФОРМИРАЊЕТО НА ЕГЕЈСКАТА БРИГАДА



22 ноември 2012 година, Битола, Македонија - Неделава на 18 ноември во Битола, во организација на општина Битола, Сојузот на борците, Сојузот на Македонците од Егејот МАКЕДОН и Светскиот Македонски Конгрес беше одбележана 68-та годишнина од формирањето на Првата народно ослободителна ударна бригада од Егејска Македонија, позната како Егејската бригада на 18 ноември 1944 година. Во таа чест, на спомен-обележјето пред Битолската пожарна, свежо цвеќе положија делегации на општина Битола, Сојузот на борците на општина Битола, Сојузот на Македонците од Егејот МАКЕДОН, Светскиот Македонски Конгрес, Организацијата на потомците на Македонците од Егејскиот дел на Македонија од Битола и Заедницата на Македонците од Егејскиот дел на Македонија од Битола.



За формирањето на Егејската бригада зборуваше претседателот на Сојузот на Македонците од Егејот МАКЕДОН Ташко Јованов.



- Почитувани браќа и сестри Македонци и Македонки, на денешен ден, пред шеесет и осум години, на 18 ноември 1944 година, на ова место, пред битолската пожарна, беше формирана Првата народно ослободителна ударна бригада од Егејска Македонија. По Втората Светска Војна, Владата на национално единство на Грција презеде повеќе мерки да го исклучи влијанието на Македонците како еден од условите за целосно владеење на северните области од Грција, во Егејска Македонија. Беа расформирани организациите на СНОФ, а голем беше притисокот и врз Македонците во единиците на ЕЛАС. Поради ваквиот однос, една група Македонци ги напуштија единиците на ЕЛАС и во знак на протест кон политиката на КПГ се соединија со единиците на НОВ и ПОМ. Во јуни 1944 година беа формирани Воденскиот батаљон, Костурскиот батаљон, Леринскиот батаљон и батаљонот за тешко оружје, од кои на 18 ноември 1944 година беше формирана Првата Егејска бригада во Битола со околу 2.500 борци. Треба да ги споменат командантот на бригадата Илија Димовски - Гоче, заменикот командантот Наум Пејо, комесарот на бригадата - Михаил Керамитчиев и заменик комесарот Вангел Ајановски - Оче. На чело на Костурскиот батаљон беше командантот Сотир Андоновски и комесарот Вангел Мангов. На чело на Леринскиот батаљон беше командантот Мичо Тупурковски “Титан“ и комесарот Никола Шишковски. На чело на Воденскиор батаљон беше командантот Ристо Корделов и комесарот Динко Делевски. На Батаљонот за тешко оружје командант беше Милтијади Поп-Николов, комесар Аргир Кузевски. По формирањето на бригадата на 18 ноември 1944 година во Битола беше одржана свеченост со парада. На крајот на декември 1944 година бригадата доби задачи да дејствува на просторот на Гостивар и Тетово со цел ликвидација на остатоците од балистичките банди на Џемо и Мефаил. По расформирањето на Егејската бригада, голем дел од борците се вратија во Егејска Македонија, каде активно се вклучија во ДАГ и Граѓанската војна во Грција од 1946-1949 година. Почитувани Македонци, почитувани борци, му благодарам на градоначалникот Владимир Талески и на советниците на Општина Битола за ова одбележување, благодарност до сите присутни за поменот на борците од Егејскиот дел на Македонија, кои на ова место ја формираа “Првата Егејска бригада“, - рече Ташко Јованов.



- Денес го чествуваме формирањето на Првата народно ослободителна ударна бригада од Егејска Македонија, позната како Егејската бригада на 18 ноември 1944 година. Со тоа го одржуваме споменот дека Македонците и во Втората Светска Војна водеа национало-ослободителна војна во сите делови на Македонија, се бореа за ослободување и обединување на Македонија. Македонците беа антифашисти не затоа што беа комунисти, беа со нив и во Југославија и во Бугарија и во Грција и во Албанија, затоа што комунистичките партии на овие земји на Македонците им ветуваа самоопределување до обединување на Македонија, - рече претседателот на Светскиот Македонски Конгрес Тодор Петров.



Членовите на Сојузот на Македонците од Егејот Македон и Светскиот Македонски Конгрес го посетија и гробот на Андреја Чипов на гробиштата на црквата Света Недела, каде за неговиот живот и дело зборуваше претседателот на Светскиот Македонски Конгрес Тодор Петров.



ЗА ЕГЕЈСКАТА БРИГАДА



Вреди да си припомниме на дел од настаните во Грција пред и по формирањето на Егејската бригада во Битола на деншен ден 18 ноември 1944 година.



На 3 ноември 1944 година и последните германски окупаторски сили ја напуштија Грција. Во текот на наредниот месец во кабинетите на грчката десница, која се' уште ја немаше целосно освоено власта во Грција, бea разработени детални планови за ликвидација, депортирање и присилно протерување на 120.000 Македонци.



Меѓутоа, во реализацијата на овој монструозен план на десницата, помогна раководството на левицата. Врвното раководство на КПГ, на чело со групата Сјантос - Јоанидис, придонесе да се потпише Либанскиот договор на 20 мај 1944 година.



По ослободувањето на земјата, ЕЛАС контролираше 31 област од вкупно 33 области на Грција, додека Зервас само нецели две области. Сите квислиншки воени организации практично беа ликвидирани. Со Либанскиот договор владата на Грција требаше да се формира од сите партии и претставниците на отпорот. Но, учеството на ЕАМ и КПГ беше ограничено на 25 отсто од министерските места, односно само една четвртина, требаше да бидат малцинство во владата. И покрај спротивставувањето на Зевгас и Караѓоргис за откажувањето од Либанскиот договор, не се примени поинаква формула.



Во раководството на КПГ преовладеа групата на Сјантос - Јоанидис, кои продолжија да прават отстапки на граѓанските партии и владата на Георги Папандреу. Како резултат на таквите отстапки дојде и до капитулантскиот договор во италијанскиот град Казерта, меѓу силите на отпорот и владата на Папандреу, склучен на 26 септември 1944 година. Со тој договор народно-ослободителната војска ЕЛАС се стави под команда на владата на Папандреу, кој имаше право да ја распушти кога ќе посака. Договорот во Казерта беше уште една недозволена постапка и уште една грешка што претставува предавство на народно-ослободителната војна. Во текот на подготовките за склучување на договорот во Казерта, раководството на КПГ започна со расформирање, прво на македонските единици, а потоа и на македонските институции што беа формирани во текот на НОВ.



Македонското раководство, не сакајќи да влезе во конфликт со ЕЛАС, реши да префрли дел од македонските единици на територијата на Вардарска Македонија и од нив во Битола беше формирана т.н. Егејската бригада.



На 18 октомври 1944 година англискиот генерал Скоби, заедно со владата на Папандреу пристигна во Атина. Во исто време започнаа да се собираат квислиншките единици за безбедност, полицијата и бандите на организацијата "Х". Скоби, место разоружување на сите вооружени сили согласно Либанскиот договор, нареди да се разоружат и распуштат само единиците на ЕЛАС. Во знак на протест за таквото однесување на англискиот генерал, оставка дадоа сите делегирани министри на ПЕЕА (Политички комитет на националното ослободување на Грција).



На 3 декември 1944 година во Атина и Пиреја се одржаа масовни митинзи, со околу 500.000 граѓани, како протест против грубото мешање на англиските воени власти во Грција. Но, и покрај тоа што протестниот собир беше мирен, демонстрантите беа нападнати од вооружената полиција, при што околу 100 демонстранти беа ранети или убиени. На 4 декември 1944 година, по лична наредба на Винстон Черчил, британските сили започнаа војна против единиците на ЕЛАС. Покрај нив, во борбите против Народно-ослободителното движење (НОД) се бореа и квинслиншките воени формации и други сили на десницата. Борците на ЕЛАС и граѓаните-симпатизери на НОД дадоа силен отпор.



Борбите во Атина траеја 33 дена и на 4 спроти 5 јануари 1945 година силите на ЕЛАС ја напуштија Атина. Последното предавство што го направи раководството на КПГ беше потпишаниот договор во месноста Варкиза близу Атина, на 12 февруари 1945 година, со што дејноста на ЕЛАС дефинитивно беше прекината од 28 февруари 1945 година. Договорот во Варкиза значеше крај на оружената активност на ЕЛАС и почеток на контрареволуцијата во Грција. Грчката десница стана целосен господар во земјата и имаше одврзани раце да ја спроведе својата зацртана цел против учесниците во ЕЛАС, а пред се против Македонците.

[George S.]

World Macedonian Congress Greater Albania is NOT God’s will!

World Macedonian Congress

Greater Albania is NOT God’s will!

Translated and edited by Risto Stefov

November 30, 2012



November 28, 2012, Skopje, Macedonia – The World Macedonian Congress (WMC) respects the religious freedom of the Macedonian citizens, the religious authorities of the Macedonian communities and their religious leaders but finds the comments made by the head of the Islamic Religious Community in Macedonia, Reis Ul Ulema Hadzi Sulejman Efendi Rexhepi, unacceptable. During an interview with the “Journal Plus” Reis Ul Ulema Hadzi Sulejman Efendi Rexhepi stated that “The unification of Albanian lands is God’s will” and that it is their obligation to return them “as they were before”, “Albania with a single boundary as it was created by God”. These kinds of statements promote and encourage ethnic, racial and religious hatred, discord and intolerance!



Neither God nor the Prophet Muhammad created Albania. Albania was created for the first time in 1913 by the Great Powers in order to serve their interest in the region. The Nazis and the Fascists created the idea of a Greater Albania and as such it is not God’s will, but the work of Satan.



The reason that Albanians live in five neighbouring countries around Albania is because they migrated there over the years; not because Albania was divided. Albania was never a country or a nation so how could it be divided? Unlike Albania, on the other hand, Macedonia was invaded, occupied, partitioned and annexed by five states during the Balkan Wars of 1912-1913.



No nation is forbidden from living in a single state but it is an illusion to think that Albanians need to occupy the territories of five Balkan countries in order to live together. The idea of creating a Greater Albania was born from the Nazis and the Fascists in World War II. It is not a projection of the unification of Albanians but a division of the Republic of Albania. Not everyone in the Republic of Albania is a Muslim or an ethnic Albanian, if such a thing even exists. There are Orthodox and Catholics similar to those in Macedonia and Kosovo. The Albanians are not homogeneous and all of them are not of the same religion. Ghegs, Tosks, Miaks and a number of large minorities, including Macedonians, live in Albania. Also, all Muslims living in the Republic of Macedonia are not Albanians. Included among them are Macedonians, Turks, Bosnians, Roma...



The WMC would like to emphasize that Macedonia does not occupy Albanian soil and it never did. Albania, on the other hand, does occupy Macedonian territories just like some other neighbouring countries!



On this occasion, the WMC would like to take the opportunity to harshly criticize the government for the illegal denationalization of state property in the name of the Islamic Religious Community in the Republic of Macedonia. The WMC would like to remind the government and the people that the mosques and other religious properties left over from the Ottoman Empire are not owned by the Islamic Community because they are not the legal successor of the Ottoman Empire. Incidentally, almost every mosque at that time was built on the foundation of a Church! The WMC demands that the government review all its prior decisions on this matter and return the properties to the rightful owners. The government has no right to illegally give away religious properties to the Islamic Community. The Albanization and denationalization of our country in favour of the Muslim community and in order to change the ethnic structure of the population is unacceptable!



All citizens in Macedonia are equal before the Constitution and before the law irrespective of their ethnic origin, religious beliefs, social status etc. There are Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Serbs, Bosnians, Vlachs, Egyptians, Montenegrins, Croats etc. living in Macedonia... all are equal citizens before the Macedonian Constitution and before the law of the state. But that does not mean that all Albanians everywhere in the world are entitled to receive Macedonian citizenship.



For the WMC, Macedonia is a unitary state and its borders, territorial integrity and sovereignty are inviolable.



The citizens of Macedonia expect the Albanian political parties and associations, and the leadership of the Islamic religious community, to mobilize the Albanian community to refrain from encroaching into other people’s lives and property with aims of ethnic cleansing of the territory by intimidating the Macedonians. Also, just talking about it does not effectively demonstrate tolerance and coexistence.



The WMC is appealing to all citizens to refrain from violence and aggression.



The Macedonian nation is civilized and peace loving. It is not a war mongering nation. The Macedonians expect others who live among them to behave in a similar fashion. The many provocations taking place almost on a daily basis are, unfortunately, weakening the Macedonian people’s tolerance and restraint which can’t be good for coexistence and for respect!



The WMC demands that the government take all necessary measures to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Citizens have the right to defend themselves and to protect their lives and property. Our citizens will defend the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Macedonian state as obliged by our constitution; they will not allow the separation of its territory!



The WMC would like to repeat its demands to the Government to apprehend all perpetrators of crimes and misdemeanor offenses, who acquired Macedonian citizenship by naturalization, deprive them of their Macedonian citizenship and permanently expel them from Macedonia. For them there is no place in Macedonian society!



The WMC, once again, would like to further emphasize that the 2001 war in Macedonia was not a war between Macedonians and Albanians, nor a war between Orthodox Christians and Muslims; it was a simulated war for the implementation of certain Great Power global interests and spheres of influence in the region. It is sad that all this was done by abusing historic challenges among local ethnic groups, as the basis for alien rule.



The WMC would like to appeal to the United States, NATO and to the EU to refrain from operations that simulate and stimulate destabilization in Macedonia in order to protect alien interests.



The WMC feels that fair and adequate representation of ethnic communities in central and local government is a fundamental value of Macedonian society and is a basis of tolerance and coexistence. Even though the number of Macedonians in the country account for 75% of the total population, it does not mean that the rights of the 25% belonging to the ethnic minorities are in any way reduced. Everyone is equal! The WMC rejects the model which quantifies rights and liberties based on census manipulations and constitutional percentages! The WMC prefers a model which institutionalizes cultural autonomy to all ethnic communities in Macedonia supported by the state budget and by private funds. The WMC therefore demands that the Government and Parliament establish a constitutional declaration, which, regardless of census results, allows for state guarantee of the already acquired rights and cultural autonomy of the minority ethnic communities! At the same time the WMC would like to protest against the re-composition of the state and public administration based on the irrelevant and inaccurate census results obtained during the 1991, 1994 and 2001 census. These were results which were rejected by the State Census Commission! Therefore the WMC demands that the Government provide parliamentary and constitutional guarantees that the existing rights of ethnic minorities be observed regardless of census results.





СВЕТСКИ МАКЕДОНСКИ КОНГРЕС

ГОЛЕМА АЛБАНИЈА НЕ Е БОЖЈА ВОЛЈА!



28 ноември 2012 година, Скопје, Македонија - Светскиот Македонски Конгрес (СМК) ги почитува верските слободи на граѓаните и авторитетот на верските заедници и нивните поглаварства, но за неприфатлива ја оценува изјавата на поглаварот на Исламската Верска Заедница Реис Ул Улема Хаџи Сулејман ефенди Реџепи во интервјуто за “Журнал плус“, дека “Обединувањето на албанските земји е Божја волја“ и дека нивна обврска е да ги вратат “така како што биле порано“, во “Албанија со единствена граница како што ја создал Бог“, затоа што поттикнува и разгорува етничка, расна и верска омраза, раздор и нетрпеливост!



Ниту Бог ниту пророкот Мухамед ја создале Албанија, туку интересите на големите сили во 1913 година за свои сфери на влијание на овие простори. Наци-фашистичката креација Голема Албанија не е Божја волја, туку дело на Сатаната.



Тоа што Албанците денес живеат во пет соседни држави на Албанија заради миграции а не поради поделба на Албанија, како што тоа се случило со Македонија во Балканските војни 1912-1913 година, не значи повод за територијална дезинтеграција на пет држави на Балканот.



Никому не е забрането да живее во една држава, но илузија е сите Албанци да живеат во држава која ќе окупира територии на пет држави на Балканот. Впрочем, наци-фашистичката креација Голема Албанија во Втората Светска Војна не е проекција за обединување на Албанците, туку за поделба на Република Албанија. Во Република Албанија сите не се муслимани, туку и православни и католици, какви што се Албанците и во Македонија и на Косово, а албанските државјани не се еднородни и едноверни, бидејќи во Албанија живеат и Геги и Тоски и Мијаци. Во Република Македонија сите муслимани не се само Албанци, туку и Македонци, Турци, Бошњаци и Роми...



СМК укажува дека во Македонија нема албански земји, затоа што Албанија никогаш не била окупирана од Македонија, како што делови од Македонија останаа во сите нејзини соседни држави!



И во оваа прилика, СМК најостро ја осудува власта затоа што незаконски денационализира државна земја на име Исламска Верска Заедница во Република Македонија. СМК повторува, дека џамиите и вакафските имоти од времето на Отоманската Империја не се сопственост на Исламската Верска Заедница, затоа што таа не е правен наследник на Отоманската Империја. Патем, речиси секоја џамија од тоа време е градена врз темелите на црква! СМК од власта бара преиспитување на сите одлуки на комисиите за денационализација затоа што незаконски враќаат земја и имоти на Исламската Верска Заедница. Неприфатлива е албанизацијата на денационализираната земја на Исламската Верска Заедница, со цел промена на етничката структура на населението!



Во Македонија сите граѓани се еднакви пред Уставот и законите, независно од етничкото потекло, верското уверување, социјалната состојба и општествената положба. Во Македонија живеат и Македонци и Албанци и Турци и Срби и Бошњаци и Власи и Еѓиптјани и Црногорци и Хрвати... сите се рамноправни граѓани пред Уставот и законите во државата Македонија. Но, тоа не значи дека сите Албанци во целиот свет треба да добијат и македонско државјанство.



За СМК, Македонија е унитарна држава, а нејзините граници, територијалниот интегритет и суверенитетот се неповредливи.



Граѓаните на Македонија од партиите и здруженијата на Албанците, како и од поглаварството на Исламската Верска Заедница, очекуваат мобилизација на припадниците на албанската заедница за воздржување од посегања по туѓи животи и имоти на секое место и во секое време, со цел етничко чистење на територијата и заплашување на Македонците, како и ефективна а не само вербална демонстрација на толеранција и коегзистенција.



СМК апелира до граѓаните да се воздржат од агресија и насилство.



Македонците се цивилизација на мирот и љубовта, а не на војната и омразата. Македонците очекуваат и другите со кои живеат така да се однесуваат. Толеранцијата на Македонците и воздржаноста од провокации не претставува слабост и охрабрување за злоупотреба, туку вредност на коегзистенција достојна за почитување!



СМК бара власта да ги преземе сите мерки за заштита на животите и имотите на граѓаните. Граѓаните имаат право на самоодбрана и самовладение заради заштита на своите животи и имоти. Граѓаните ќе ги бранат и одбранат територијалниот интегритет и суверенитетот на државата Македонија како уставна обврска и нема да дозволат сепарација на дел од нејзината територија!



СМК го повторува барањето до Владата, на сторителите на кривични и прекршочни дела, кои се стекнале со македонско државјанство со природување, да им се одзема македонското државјанство и трајно да се протерат од територијата на државата Македонија. За нив нема место во македонското општество!



СМК и понатаму смета дека војната во 2001 година не беше војна меѓу Македонците и Албанците, ниту војна меѓу православните и муслиманите, туку симулирана војна за имплементација на определени глобални интереси на некои големи сили за свои сфери на влијание на овие простори, за жал, со злоупотреба на домицилни историски предизвици меѓу помесните етноси, како основа за туѓо владеење.



СМК апелира до САД, НАТО и ЕУ на воздржување од операции кои симулираат и стимулираат дестабилизација на државата Македонија заради други и туѓи интереси.



За СМК правичната и соодветна застапеност на припадниците на етничките заедници во централната власт и локалната самоуправа е темелна вредност на македонското општеството во чијашто основа се толеранцијата и коегзистенцијата. Иако бројот на Македонците во земјата изнесува 75% од вкупното население, тоа не значи намалување на веќе стекнатите права на малцинските етнички заедници! СМК го отфрла моделот на квантифицирани права и слободи, кои не може да се проектираат со пописни манипулации и уставни проценти, нив или ги има или ги нема! СМК преферира модел на институционализирана културна автономија на сите етнички заедници во Македонија помогната од државниот буџет и приватни фондови. СМК бара од Владата и Собранието да утврдат уставна декларација дека независно од пописните резултати, државата ќе ги гарантира веќе еднаш стекнатите права и културната автономија на малцинските етнички заедници! Истовремено, СМК протестира заради рекомпонирањето на државната и јавната администрација според нерелевантни пописни резултати на штета на Македонците, имајќи го предвид бојкотираниот попис 1991 преодржан 1994 година и лажираниот попис во 2001 година отфрлен од Државната пописна комисија! СМК од Владата бара да обезбеди парламентарни и уставни гаранции, дека затекнатите права на малцинските етнички заедници ќе се почитуваат независно од пописните резултати.

[momce]

oh greece is such a sad fake country...you have vlachs calling themselves greeks and in the golden dawn...full of confused people no wonder they are so useless and a pain the ass

[Risto the Great]

Chiche if there were some sort of protest where we gathered thousands of us to do that then I would defiantly be in. and maby when the world sees us and can see the truth they would return our rightful land to!

I changed my name long before I went back. I have been there at least 4 times with not even a whimper from customs.

[momce]

they call everyone immigrants even the indians and they are like the aliens in the region greece newspeak 1984

[markovr]

DON'T WAIT FOR THE THOUSANDS, Change your name now!!

AS LONG AS THE OTHER SKIS, ILC(H) and IC(H)'S DO; I'M SURE MANY WOULD BE OBLIGED TO DO SO. why are you always yelling, bre dete?